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ANNALS rjAN20 1932^ 

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V ERON tlie preacher. Spital Sermons. The oath of supremacy A""" i''^^.- 
tendered to bishop Boner; with the process thereupon. Vel- 
sius, an enthusiast. Disturbs the Dutch congregations. His 
challenge of the Dutch ministers. Proceedings with him. P. I. 


The bishop of Worcester's vindication of himself against sir 
John Bourne before the privy council. Bourne's imprison- 
ment and submission. P. 15. 


Some remarks of Coverdale ; Fox ; Parkhurst, bishop of Nor- 
wich ; and bishop Guest, the queen's almoner. The emperor 
writes to the queen in favour of the papists. Dr. Richard 
Marshal subscribes. Sir Francis Englefield. The queen's 
spy at Rome. Counsels there. State of the churches abroad. 
Council of Trent ends. A godly and necessary admonition 
concerning the decrees of that council. P. 42. 


The kingdom and church vindicated against Osorius, a popish 
writer. Dr. Haddon writes in answer to him ; and so doth 
John Fox. Osorius printed in English : and Musculus' Com- 
mon Places. The Bible and other church books published in 
Welsh. Some miscellaneous matters. A strange effect of 
joy. The queen at Windsor this winter read*much. P. 69. 


Matters between France and England. New Haven surrendered 
by the English, Motions for peace between the two crowns. 
The rudeness of the French ambassador's men in Eaton col- 
lege. Matters with the Low Countries. The duke of Wir- 



tenbiirgh to the queen about marriage. Matters with Scot- 
land. The Scotch queen's marriage, P. 91. 


Anno i5C4.The second book of Homilies. The queen at Cambridge. The 
disputations and speeches. Mr, Fox's letter to her, Harding 
and Dorman their books, A book in English against the 
council of Trent. A convocation prorogued. P. 104. 


A diary of various historical matters of the court and state, 
falling out this year. John Hales's book. The Scotch 
queen's match with Leicester. Spanish and French mat- 
ters. P. 115. 

Contest about ministers' apparel. The queen's letter thereupon. 
Ministers cited before the commission. The advertisements, 
Sampson and Humphrey of Oxford cited to Lambeth, with 
some ministers of London. P. 125. 


Anno 1 o65. Several letters between Sampson and Humfrey, and Bullinger 
and Gualter, divines in Zurick, about the habits. Fifteen ques- 
tions propounded concerning them, Horn, bishop of Win- 
chester, writes to those foreigners upon the same argument. 
Their answers, Humfrey writes to the queen, P. 134. 

CHAP. XLin. 

Some account of Humfrey and Sampson. P. 143, 


Disturbance in Cambridge about the habits. The chancellor of 
the university his letters hereupon. A letter to the chancel- 
lor to dispense with the habits. A book set forth by the 
London ministers against the habits, Beza's concern for the 
dissenters. A volume printed of divers learned foreigners' 
judgment of cap and surplice. P. 153. 


The controversy between Jewel, bishop of Sarum, and Harding 


of Lovain ; and between Horn, bishop of Winton, and 
Feckeiihani, late abbot of Westminster. His confessions, A 
visitation of the diocese of Litchfield and Coventry. Domini- 
ciis Lampsonius, sometime servant to cardinal Pole, his letter 
to Cecil. P. 175. 


Prayers and thanksgivings for Malta, besieged by the Turks. 
Books from Louvain and Antwerp. Inquisition at Antwerp. 
Orders for apparel : and for fencing. Correspondence be- 
tween Bullinger and bishop Jewel. Caryl of the duchy dies. 
A pretended prophet. Massing in Yorkshire. The crucifix 
still in the queen's chapel. Martial's treatise of the Cross 
answered. Dean of Westminster's care for the Savoy. P. 190. 


Various occurrences, and matters of state, in the court of Eng- 
land this summer: set down by way of journal. Scotch mat- 
ters. Transactions about the queen's marriage. Irish mat- 
ters. A convocation prorogued, P. 202, 


The declaration of the London ministers answered. Disorder Anno 1566'. 
of the youth in Cambridge. Pope Pius his bull. Practices 
of the pope and papists continue. The pope's nuncio here 
privately. Bullinger's correspondence witli bishop Sandys 
and bishop Jewel. This bishop's Defence. Adrianus Saravia 
in Jersey ; for episcopacy. His letter to Cecil. One Rey- 
nolds tortured at Rome. Reformation in Scotland. P. 213, 


A sessions of parliament. Sanctuaries, A bill for the validity 
of bishops' consecrations. Address to the queen for her mar- 
riage, and the succession. Bills for religion. The queen's 
speech to the parliament in answer to their address. P. 228. 


Proposals of marriage between the archduke and the (pieen. Anno 15(J7. 
The duke of Norfolk's advice about it. Midwives' practices. 
A popish confederacy of foreign potentates. Dean Wotton 

a 2 


dies. Dean Novvel's book against Dorman : and bishop Jewel's 
l)ook against Harding. The Dutch church apply to the eccle- 
siastical commission. The queen's ambassador in Spain af- 
fronted. Popery in Lancashire. The queen's letter to the bishop 
of Chester thereupon. The church of Carlisle's leases. P. 239. 


Anno 15G8. Orders taken with papists in Lancashire by the ecclesiastical 
commission. The dean of St. Paul's preaches there. Detec- 
tions of papists there. They send over money to Lovain. 
The see of York vacant. The queen encourageth the univer- 
sities to study divinity. The bishop of Chester's commenda- 
tions. His expenses. The queen dangerously sick, P. 257. 


sir Henry Killigrevv sent to the prince Palatine about religion. 
Many from France and the Netherlands come hither, per- 
secuted for the gospel. The pope's displeasure thereat. 
God's blessing of plenty for their sakes. Some of these 
prove sectaries. Refusers of the habits in bishop Jewel's 
diocese. Dering writes against Harding. A Jesuit pretends 
himself a puritan. Proclamation for fish-days ; and against 
seditious books. A visitation for survey of coats of arms. 
An Englishman takes his degree of doctor at Heidelberg. 
Complaints from Bristol of their bishop. His vindication of 
himself. Some account of him. Dr. Wylson made master of 
St. Katharine's. P. 268. 

Anno 1569. Cavallerius, Hebrew professor at Cambridge. The French pro- 
testants relieved by the bishops. The queen assisteth the pro- 
testants. The secretary vindicates her doings. His letter to 
an Italian gentleman abroad, concerning the religion and 
proceedings in England. Advices from abroad. Vagabonds 
and rogues in the north. Dr. Story executed. Bishop Boner 
dies in the Marshalsea. Boner, whether a bastard. Wrong 
done to the archbishop of York's widow. The queen of 
Scots in Tutbury castle. Bishop Jewel answers pope Pius 
his bull. And Crowley answers the late bishop Watson's 
sermons. Hemraing's postil set forth in English. His- 


tory of the inquisition. The present happy state of the na- 
tion. P. 288. 
Great dangers to the church and nation apprehended at hand. 
Memorials of it by Cecil. A Portugal's offer to the queen. 
The rebellion in the north. The rebellious earlsj their decla- 
rations. The queen's declaration against them. The earl of 
Sussex sent against them : his proclamation. The university 
warned. Further relation of this insurrection. Leonard Da- 
cres begins another rebellion. People in other parts how af- 
fected. P. 308. 


Books written on occasion of this rebellion ; addressed to the 
rebels and papists. The earl of Westmorland in Flanders. 
Insurrection in Suffolk. Subscription required of all justices 
and gentlemen to the act of uniformity, and promise of going 
to church. Inns of court popish. Sectaries, called pu- 
ritans. P. 328. 

This a year of danger. Bullinger answers the pope's bull against Aimo 1670. 
the queen. She sends an army against Scotland. Seditious 
books dispersed by the rebels. A libel from Scotland. Pro- 
clamation against the rebels abiding there. A rebellion hatch- 
ing in Norfolk discovered. Jewel's Defence, a second edition, 
comes forth : and Demosthenes's Orations in English by Dr. 
Wylson ; seasonably in respect of king Philip. P. 353. 


Pious men in Cirencester. Their complaint to the council 
against some popish magistrates there. The queen will not 
have inquisition made into men's consciences, Cartwright 
and others in Cambridge condemn the ecclesiastical state. 
The endeavours of the heads there to restrain them. Their 
assertions in twenty-six articles. Treaties for the Scotch 
queen's liberty. The conclusion. P. 369. 



NUMBER I. The proclamation of queen Elizabeth upon her 
access to tlie crown. P. 389. 

Number II. The queen's council at Hatfield to the marquis of 
Winchester, and the earls of Shrewsbury and Darby, to re- 
pair thither, with divers others of the nobility, to conduct 
her to London. P. 390. 

Number III. The queen's proclamation to forbid preaching} 
and allowing only the reading of the Epistles and Gospels, &c. 
in English in the churches. P. 391. 

Number IV. The device for alteration of religion in the first 
year of queen Elizabeth. P. 392. 

Number V. An act whereby the queen's highness is restored in 
blood to the late queen Anne her highness's mother. P. 398. 

Number VI. Hethe, archbishop of York, his oration made in 
the parliament house, 1559. against the bill of the queen's 
supremacy. P- 399. 

Number VII. Scot, bishop of Chester, his speech in parliament 
against the bill of the supremacy. P. 408. 

Number VIII. The heads of a discourse concerning the supre- 
macy. P. 423. 

Number IX. The oration of the reverend father in God Mr. 
Dr. Fecknam, abbot of Westminster, in the parliament-house, 
1559. against the bill for the liturgy. P. 431. 

Number X. Another oration made by Dr. Scot, bishop of Ches- 
ter, in the parliament house, against the bill of the li- 
turgy. P. 438c 

Number XI. A discourse in favour of the pope, and the unity 
of the church of Rome. P. 451. 

Number XII. A declaration of the repeal of the attainder of 
the late cardinal Pole. P. 456. 

Number XIII. An act that the queen's majesty may make or- 
dinances and rules for collegiate churches, corporations, and 
schools. P. 457. 

Number XIV. Guest to sir William Cecyl, the queen's secre- 
tary, concerning the service book, newly prepared for the 
parliament, to be confirmed j and certain ceremonies and 
usages of the church, P. 459. 


Number XV. Dr. Home's preface to his discourse, read at the 
conference at Westminster abbey. P. 465. 

Number XVI. The protestants' discourse, prepared to have 
been read in the public conference at Westminster, upon the 
second question, viz. That every particular church hath au- 
thority to institute, change, and abrogate ceremonies and 
rites in the church, so that it tend to edify. P. 466. 

Number XVII. John Knox at Geneva to John Fox at Basil ; 
concerning his book against the government of women. P. 487. 

Number XVIII. John Fox, newly returned from exile, to his 
patron Thomas, duke of Norfolk, to supply his present 
wants. P. 488. 

Number XIX. The duke of Norfolk to John Fox, his kind 
answer to tbe former letter. P. 489. 

Number XX. John Jewel to Henry Bullingcr at Zurick; con- 
cerning the state of religion in England. Ibid. 

Number XXI, Richard Cox to Wolfgang Weidner, at Wornies ; 
concerning the same subject with the former : with an ac- 
count of the disputation at Westminster, p. 492. Also, Inter- 
rogatories : for the doctrine and manners of ministers, and 
for other orders in the church. P. 492. 494. 

Number XXII. Cox, bishop of Ely, to the queen ; excusing 
himself for refusing to minister in her chapel, because of the 
crucifix and lights there. P. 500. 

Number XXHI. Richard Cheny (afterwards bishop of Glou- 
cester) to secretary Cecyl; complaining of a loss sustained 
by the queen's visitors. P. 503. 

Number XXIV. BuUinger's letter to Sampson and Humphrey, 
concerning the habits. P. 505. 

Number XXV. Bishop Home to Gualter concerning the con- 
troversy about the habits. P. 513. 

Number XXVI. BuUinger to certain of the bishops, concern- 
ing the habits. P. 515. 

Number XXVII. Lawrence Humfrey to the queen, for a tolera- 
tion of such as refused the habits. P. 51G. 

Number XXVIII. Dr. Humfrey's letter to the lord treasurer 
Burghley J certifying his conformity in apparel. P. 518. 

Number XXIX. Beza to BuUinger; to consult in behalf of 

those in England that refused the habits. P. 519. 

Number XXX. Harding's letter to bishop Jewel, printed; 


dated from Antwerp j requiring a copy of his sermon preached 
at St. Paul's Cross. P. 524. 

Number XXXI. A trewe note of certen artycles confessed and 
allowed by Mr. D. Feckenam, as well in Christmas holie 
days last past, as also at divers other times before that ; by 
conference in lerning, before the reverend father in God, 
the lord bisshopp of Elye, and before D. Perne, deane of Elye, 
master Nicolas, master Stanton, master Crowe, master Bowler, 
chapleyns to my lord of Elye, and divers others, whose names 
be here subscribed. P. 528. 

Number XXXII. The queen's letter to the bishop of London, for 
seizing seditious books transported from beyond sea. P. 529. 

Number XXXIII. The declaration of the people of Antwerp, 
against the inquisition there lately set up. P. 531. 

Number XXXIV. A proclamation for apparel, subscribed by 
the lords of the council, and some of the nobility. P. 533. 

Number XXXV^ Sandys, bishop of Worcester, to BuUinger, 
upon sending him his commentary upon Daniel. P. 540. 

Number XXXVI, Bishop Jewel to BuUinger : controversy 
with Harding : and his news of the affairs of religion. P. 542. 

Number XXXVII. Bishop Jewel to BuUinger : putting cer- 
tain queries to him to be resolved. P. 545. 

Number XXXVIII. Dr. Perne, vice-chancellor of Cambridge^ 
to sir William Cecill, their chancellor ; upon the queen's 
gracious letters, to excite the members of that university to 
the study of divinity. P. 546. 

Number XXXIX. A prayer for queen Elizabeth, being taken 
with a dangerous sickness, anno 1568. P. 549. 

Number XL. A thanksgiving for the queen's amendment and 
recovery. P. 551. 

Number XLI. Parker, archbishop of Canterbury, and Sandys, 
bishop of London, to the heads of the university of Cam- 
bridge ; in favour of Cavallerius, now coming to be their He- 
brew reader. P. 552. 

Number XLII. Wierus, the prince of Condes agent, to the se- 
cretary j giving him thanks for seconding the protestants' 
affairs with the queen. P. 553. 

Number XLIII. The queen's council to the high sheriff of 
Yorkshire and the justices of those parts j concerning re- 
straint of vagabonds, and such like. P. 554. 



Number XLIV. A letter of Mary queen of Scots to queen 
Elizabeth, from Tutbury castle, anno 1569, expostulatory, 
concerning favouring her rebels, P. 558. 


A. Articles for government and order in the church ; ex- 
hibited to be admitted by authority : but not allowed. P. 562. 

B. Theodore Beza to secretary Cecyl ; shewing the present ill 
condition of the protestants in France. P. 569. 

C. Literse illustriss. domini Marci Antonii Amulii cardinalis, ad 
illustrissimos legatos concilii Tridentini, super professionem 
fidei patriarchae Assyriorum orientalium. P. 570. 

D. The emperor Ferdinand's letter to queen Elizabeth : to 
allow papists one church in every city. P. 572. 

E. The queen's answer to the emperor. P. 573. 

F. A discourse upon a motion in parliament for the queen's 
declaring of the succession after her : viz. That the limi- 
tation of the succession of the crown should be to the 
queen's majesty's service. P. 575. 

G. Lady Anne Boleyn to Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury ; 
for his grant of the benefice of Sundridge to Mr. Bar- 
low. P. 578. 

H. Cox bishop of Ely to BuUingerj upon occasion of his an- 
swer to the pope's bull against the queen. P. 579. 

I. A libellous letter out of Scotland of certain English pa- 
pists ; against some counsellors of queen Elizabeth. P. 580. 

Manuscripts made use of in these Annals. P, 583. 

VOL. I. PART u, 


OF thp: 






Ve7-07i the preacher. Spital sermon. 9. The oath of supre- 
macy tendered to bishop Boner ; with the process there- 
upon. Velsins, an enthusiast. Disturbs the Dutch con- 
gregations. His challenge of the Dutch ministers. Pro- 
ceedings zvith him. 

V ERON, a learned Frenchman, one of the cminentest Anno 1 sea. 
preachers at this time, and a writer, who had been a con- ^'"■°" ^^^ 
fessor also under queen Mary, now rector of St. Martin's, dies. 
Ludgate, and prebendary of St. Paul's, died the 9th of 
April, and was buried the day after, being Easter-eve. 

Those that preached the celebrated Spital sermons this Spital ser- 
year were as followeth : '"""^' 

April the 12th, Easter Monday, preached Horn, bishop 
of Winton. At this sermon was declared the condition of 
the poor French protestants, that were fled into England for 
the persecution, among whom were many women and chil- 
dren : which raised such a compassion in the auditors, that 
there was collected for them 45Z. 

April the 13th, Easter Tuesday, Mr. Cole, rector of High 
Ongar in Essex, and archdeacon of Essex, preached. 

April the 1 4th, Easter Wednesday, tlie dean of St. Paul's 
preached. And, 

VOL. I. TART ir. B 


CHAP. April the 18th, being Low Sunday, preached Bradborn, 
[Bradbridg, I suppose, it should be.] He declared the three 
Anno 1563. sermons preached the week before at the Spital, according 
to custom. This Bradbridg was now, or not long after, the 
dean of Salisbury, and afterwards bishop of Exon, Ally 
being dead. 
Boner de- Upon the act aforementioned, empowering the bishops to 
bishop of tender the oath of supremacy to the ecclesiastics under their 
Winton to jurisdiction, Horn, bishop of Winton, intended to tender it 
eesan. to Boner, late bishop of London, now lying in the Marshal- 
sea in Southwark, a place within his diocese. He was there- 
fore brought before the bishop, or certain ecclesiastical offi- 
cers of the said bishop, who required him to take the said 
oath. But Boner refused both the oath as unlawful, and 
the bishop himself, as not having power to administer it to 
him, being none of his diocesan, and indeed no diocesan at 
all, that is, no lawful bishop. Upon which a famous suit 
378 was commenced; at which an argument was learnedly held 
by great lawyers, whether the queen''s bishops were legal bi- 
shops, as other histories do relate. 

A certificate of Boner's refusal to take the oath was 
brought into the King''s Bench by the bishop of Winton''s 
chancellor ; whereupon by the law he was to be indicted of 
The suit be- a premutiire. But Boner made several exceptions to the 
^^^^"j^g''^;^'^ certificate, (which occasioned a suit in Michaelmas term, 
shop of Win- anno 6 & 7 Eliz.) as that he was only styled therein doctor 
tiie'oath. 9f laws^ and in sacred orders, but neither cleric nor bishop. 
But that exception was not allowed in the court. Further, 
that the certificate was said to be carried into the court such 
a day and year by A. B. chancellor of the said bishop, but 
saith not, by the command of the bishop. But neither was 
that allowed. Thirdly, that he was indicted upon this cer- 
tificate in the county of Middlesex by the common jury, and 
it ran, to inquire in the King's Bench for the county of 
Middlesex. To which Boner pleaded, Not guilty ; for he 
was in the county of Surrey. Whereupon a question was 
raised, by what county he should be tried, whether by a 
jury of Middlesex, or by a jury of Surrey, where the 


offence was committed. And it was resolved, that the in- CHAP, 
quiry should be by men of the county of Surrey, and of the '_ 

neighbourhood of Southwark. For the indictment, men- Anno 1 563. 
tioned in that act of 5 Eliz. extended to the indictment only, 
and leaves the trial to the common law, which appoints it 
to be where the offence is committed, as the lord Coke ex- Coke, in- 
plained it. Fourthly, he excepted again, that Horn was not p 'g^^ * ^' 
bishop of Winton, when he tendered him his oath, that is, Horn, whe- 
not allowing him to be a bishop. Upon this there was much shop. 
debate among the judges, in the lord chief justice Catlyn's 
chamber, if Boner could give in evidence upon this issue, 
namely, that he was not guilty, because the bishop of Win- 
ton was not bishop in the time of his tendering the oath. 
And (as Dyer reports) it was resolved by all, that if the Dyer's Rep. 
truth and matter be such in fact, Boner would come off. ^^^^^f. g "7"' 
And therefore it was left to the jury to try it. reg'". p. 

But after much dispute, to take away all doubt for the 
future, the present bishops were established by a law made 
in the eighth year of the queen, that is, in the year of our 
Lord 1565. 

But to return to Boner, and to the beginning of this con- 
tention. When he was carried back from the bishop of 
Winton to the Marshalsea, these passages happened be- Passages 
tween him and the gazing people, who hated him mortally ^^*^'''^" 
for his late cruelties, and were met in great multitudes to the people, 
see him pass. One said to him, " The Lord confound thee, 
" or else turn thy heart." To whom he answered, " The 
" Lord send thee to keep thy breath to cool thy porridge." 
To another saying, " The Lord overthrow thee," he said, 
" The Lord make thee as wise as a woodcock." Finally, a 
woman, wife to one Games, sometimes schoolmaster of the 
choristers in Magdalen college, kneeled down, and said^ 
*' The Lord save thy life, bishop. I trust to see thee bishop 
" of London again." To whom he said, " God a mercy, 
" good wife." And so passed to his lodging, where he 
had talk with a minister of the word of God about the su- 
premacy. The bishop being by hira both moved by reason 
and exhorted by doctrine to yield, gave neither ear nor ere- 


CHAP, dit, but answered him tauntingly, " By God, you are well 
XXXIV. ii learned." To whom the minister said, " Where learned 

Anno 1563. " you, Mr. Boner, to swear ?'''' " I pray you," said he, " did 

•^/9 " not Christ swear. Amen, amen, dico vobis f " Why, that 

" is well," said the minister, " that you have some scrip- 

*' ture for blasphemy, although you have none for popery." 

With that he flung from him out of his chamber into the 

garden, desiring Mr. Keeper to command him out of the 

house, that so withstood him. 

Boner's ob- Upon the foresaid refusal of Boner, and upon his second 

a"ainst\he declining to take the oath, according as the act directed, the 

bishop of bishop of Winchester certified him into the King's Bench, 

process. as was said before. But Boner, against all the proceedings 

of the bishop, laid in his objections and exceptions in that 

and other courts. The rude draught whereof, wrote with his 

own hand, was as followeth verbatim. 

Foxii MSS. Objections layed in by Edmond Boner, clerck, against the 
processe, and all the doyngs, made eytlier before Dr. Ro- 
bert Home, namyng hymself bishop of Winchester, and 
against the unla-wful certificate given in by the same, in 
the Queen'' s Bench; eyther bejhre any other in the said 
Queeti's Bench, or elsewhere rvithin this realm, concern- 
yng the preinisse, attempted [^againsf] the said Edmond, 
by vertue of the surmysed statutes of a°. 1°. regni Eliza- 
beth, or a^. 5°. of the same. 
I. First, The said Edmond saith, protesting alway, that he 

intendeth nothing to say, attempt, or do against the queen''s 
most excellent majesty of this realm, in any wise by writing 
or otherwise, or her prerogatif, laws, statutes, or liberties, 
otherwise than may stand by good law, reason, and con- 
science, that he the said Edmond hath not ronne into any 
penalty, comprised in any of the said two statutes of cmno 
primo et anno quinto of the said queen. For that especially, 
both the said two statutes of anno primo et anno quinto of 
the said queen be not of strength, force, or power, to con- 
dempn the said Edmond ; both for that the same statutes 
i?ught to have had the consent of the lords spiritual and 


temporal, and also the consent of the commons in that par- CHAP, 
liament assembled: and also, for that the said Edmond was J^^^f^ 

not convented or called herein before a lawful bishop, or Anno i sea. 
competent judge, such as might require any such oath en- 
joined in eyther of the said statutes ; neyther the said Ed- 
mond in law or conscience bound in any wise to give the said 
oath, which hath not liis due companions, judicium, justi- 
tiam, et veritatem : nor could be given by the said Ed- 
mond, but by the death and loss of his own soul, and the 
danger and losse of divers other mens souls, of whom he 
hath care and charge of. 

Item, That the said Mr. Robert Home, not being lawful n. 
bishop of Winchester, but an usurper, intruder, and unlaw- 
ful possessioner thereof; as well for that according to the 
laws of the Catholic church, and the statutes and ordinances 
of this realm, the said Mr. Robert Home Avas not elected, 
consecrated, or provided, as also according to the canons of 
the Catholic church he, the said Mr. Robert Home, came 
not to the same dignity, or was ehgible to the same; but 330 
as a person infamed, unworthy, and utterly unmeet for the 
same, did take upon him the said office, most worthy to be 
repelled from the same. 

Item, That the said Mr. Robert Home, conspiring with in. 
other schismatical bishops of this realm, did by sundry and 
unlawful means go about at sundry times to put the said 
Edmond both in extreme and certain danger of his life, and 
also of loosing of all his lyving and goods. 

Item, That the said Mr. Robert Home, forgetting his iv. 
own souls helth, and following the sensualitie of his own 
mynde, of late did make an unlawful, untrew, and false cer- 
tificate, into the queues majesties bench, surmysing the said 
Edmond peremptorily and obstinately to have refused to 
give the said oath, required in the said statute of annoprimo 
et anno guinto. Wheras he the said Edmond so did not ; 
but all edged, that he was not bound to give the said oath, for 
reasonable causes, then and above also expressed. 

Other exceptions, which the aforesaid Boner made against Other ex- 

,j ceptions of 

B '^ Boner. 


Anno 1563 
Foxii MSS. 


x^x\v ^^^ bishop of Winchester's proceedings with him, in the 
court where he was indicted, were these : 

The summons of the said defendent concerning his ap- 
pearance was not good, nor agreeable to the laws and sta- 
tutes of this realm. 

Item, The inditement is not good and right, because that 
the matter, whereupon the inditement is grounded, will not 
bear the inditement : which maketh a great fault to be in the 
defendent refusing the oath. Which the said defendent in 
his conscience and lerning thinketh he ought not to give: 
forasmuch as he cannot give it without committing of deadly 

Item, Concerning the special oath, the defendent saith> 
that the said oath, like as all other oaths, ought to have 
three companions, appointed in scripture to be Veritas, Judi~ 
cium, et Justitia. And seeing that this oath hath not these 
three companions, the defendent pleadeth that he ought not 
to ronne into any penalty at all. 

Item, That this oath hath not the said three companions, 
it appeareth manifestly, for that the said defendent, if he 
should give it, he should do first against veritie and com- 
mit falsity. And also should do against judgment ; whereby 
is here to understand discretion. And also he should not 
observe justice, which giveth to God and to every thing 
their due right. In consideration whereof, and that the 
queues majestie (whom almighty God long preserve) mynd- 
eth not her subjects to ronne into perjury, but to keep to 
their conscience and bounden duty ; this defendent firmly 
believeth, that her said majesty being truly informed of the 
truth herein, which he is able to justify, will not be in any 
wise offended. 

Item, The statute of anno quinto saith, that the oath shall 
be promoted in open place, where there shall be a conveni- 
ent assembly of people to witness the same. And in the 
inditement there is no mention made of the oath offered be- 
fore any assembly of people. 

Item, That Dr. Home is no lawful bishop, neyther con- 


cerning the tendering of the said oath, nor other things fore- CHAP, 
saidj nor exercise of other ecclesiastical office; for many. 

causes, and especially for that he the said Dr. Home was ^"'lo 1 563. 
not lawfully consecrated, according to the laws and statutes 381 
of this realm : especially the statute of 25 of Henry VIII. 
cap. 20 ; where in effect is required, that he that is to be 
consecrated must, among other things, have one archbishop 
and two bishops, or else four bishops, at the consecration. 
Which the said Dr. Home had not. 

Ite7n, That the said Dr. Home, by reason of the pre- 
misses, and that he hath not duly certified according to the 
statute of anno quinfo: and over that, the said Dr. Home hath 
without warrant, commission, or authority, called the said de- 
fendent out of the quenes majesties prison of the Marshalsea 
in Southwark, putting the said defendent in manifest and no- 
torious danger of his life many ways, and especially by rea- 
son of the naughty and unruly multitude, which the said Dr. 
Home and his complices, purposely of malice, had caused 
then and there in the streets riotously to be assembled, and 
by them and their bedle to be thereof advertised ; and then 
and there to cry out wonder, and make exclamation against 
the said defendent, and them dangerously to use and adver- 
tise against all good order, and law, and reason : and more- 
over, for that the said Dr. Home, without warrant, com- 
mission, or authority, did return the said defendent again in 
the Marshalsea foresaid, and put the said defendent in dan- 
ger of his life, and to great costs and losses : therefore the 
said defendent most humbly beseecheth this honourable 
court, first for the quenes majesties honour and advan- 
tage, the said Dr. Home to be called to answer before your 
honours for his wilful, heady, and lewd enterprize; and 
to graunt to the said defendent liberty and licence to sue 
him and liis complices, for the manifest outrages, injuries, 
[and dammages,] attempted and done against the said de- 

A part of another of Boner''s declarations in his own be- A part of 
half ran thus: another of 

Boner s de- 

Iteniy That where there was much adoe to frame the act,ciarations. 

B 4 

Anno 166'3. 


^Y^TV -doctor Home sometime inditing it, the scribe writing it ; 
and by and by smiting it out by his commandment, I the 
said Edmond told unto them, saying, " If you cannot make 
" your act your selves, let me help you. And it shall do 
" well in my opinion if in the first place [you write] your 
" own sayings and doings, and then write mine.'"' Which 
thing with much adoe being agreed upon, and the writing 
left with the scribe, which doth declare all the whole matter, 
I departed thence, and afterwards divers times did send to 
William Bydell, the scribe, to have a true copy thereof; and 
in no wise could get it. 

Item, That by the said premisses it doth appear, that I 
the said Edmond made no such precise, peremptory, or ob- 
stinate refusal, as is certified in this behalf. And therefore 
neither the certificate brought herein, nor the indictment 
proceeding thereupon, are to be credenced, nor to be taken 
for good and lawful, but clerely to be rejected and cast away. 
And the said Dr. Home, for his unlawful doings herein, to 
be duely punished, and from the dignitie of the bishopric 
382 of Winchester, as an intruder, usurper, and unlawful pos- 
sessioner, to be excluded and rejected; especially, being a 
notorious lecher, advouterer, schismatike, and heretike, and 
in no wise a lawful bishop, especially to exact any such oath, 
or to make such certificate, as is before mentioned. 

All this scandal, trouble, and disturbance had this good 
bishop, in venturing to be so hardy as to meddle with such 
a man as Boner was. 

Another troubler of the peace of the church, though of a 

quite different strain from the former, this year also arose, 

OneVeisius, and appeared in London, namely, one Justus Velsius, a fo- 

an enthu- j-gigtiej. of ^j^y Hao^ue. He was a man of learning, but a 

siast, ap- . . 

pears. great enthusiast, pretending much to the Spirit, and to great 

illuminations, a foreteller of Code's wrath at hand, and a dis- 
coverer of errors and heresies. This man, being one Thurs- 
day in March at a prophecy, (as it was called,) in the Dutch 
church in London, wliere Nicolas, one of the ministers, 
preached upon the doctrine of regeneration, stood up, and 
ccmtradicted him, as delivering false doctrine, nay, many 


gross errors and heresies concerning this point of rehgion; CHAP. 
and in fine, made a challenge to the said Nicolas, and Peter X^^^^- 

De Loene, the other Dutch minister, to dispute on this argu- Anno 1 668. 
ment with them the Thursday ensuing. And the account J^^yJ"^^" 
of this enterprise of his he thought fit to write to the secre- 
tary ; tellino- him, " That he was present, and heard the MSS. in 

- *= ' . / , . -thePaper- 

" said Nicolas discoursmg concernmg the regeneration ot ,,ouse. 

" man, as a blind man of colours, introducing he knew not 

" what monsters of heresies, and withdrawing fi'om the peo- 

" pie the true doctrine of regeneration, and bringing in cer- 

" tain false doctrines in the room of it, surpassing the ab- 

" surdities of all heresies. Yet he keeping a temper, followed 

" the counsel of Dionysius Areopagita, and thought not Epist. ad 

" fit to contend against him with manifold gainsayings, ° ^'^^^^' 

" which would have been a long business, and of no great 

" use ; but in simple words he had plainly laid down the 

" very truth concerning regeneration, confirmed by scrip- 

" ture. But that they widi much bitterness recompensed 

" his kindness and goodwill, and with jeers and reproaches, 

" the property of such men to do : insomuch that all good 

" and moderate men, even of their own flock, grieved and 

" complained of it. That he therefore, perceiving by the 

" Spirit of God, that now the time was come, wherein Christ 

" would work by him the salvation of men, and demolish 

" the enemies power, he had challenged these ministers, 

" these spots and blemishes, sporting in their own errors, 

" to the said contest. And this challenge he advised the 

" secretary to give the queen notice of; that she might send 

" whom she would of her servants, who might not only be 

" present, and witnesses, at this contest, but also endeavour 

" that all things (as God willed and desired) might be done 

" orderly, and without all tumult : and that she would not 

" endeavour to hinder it by any means, unless she, taking 

" up arms against the invincible God and Christ, had a 

" mind suddenly to perish with those fighters against God 

" and fighters against Christ.*" This was written in Latin, 

March the 20th, 1563. 


CHAP. The challenge abovesaid he soon drew up in a form, and 
^' • published it abroad, and enclosed it in his former letter. 

Anno 1563. " Since according to Paul in these our last days, there be 
■^]'^/*""" " many men (alas !) who, being blinded with the love of 
lenge, " themselves, attribute much to themselves, being arrogant, 
833 " proud, evil speakers, disobedient to parents, unthankful, 
" wicked, wanting the affection of charity, truce-breakers, 
** slanderers, &c. whom Paul biddeth to avoid ; and of this 
" number are Peter de Loene and Nicolas, who give out 
" themselves for the ministers of the church of the German 
*' congregation in London ; who as Jannes and Jambres 
" withstood Moses, so do they resist the truth, denying by 
" the spirit of Antichrist the force of the coming of Jesus 
" Christ in the flesh, who therefore appeared, that he might 
" demolish the works of the Devil ; that is, that adulterous 
*' stamp and coin, to wit, original sin, which he [the Devil] 
" impressed upon men, and from man himself [Christ in 
*' the flesh] he might receive the true coin of God, impress- 
" ing upon him the image of the new and heavenly man. 

" I, by the Spirit of God, whom to resist is an horrible 
" thing, for the asserting of the glory of Jesus Christ our 
" Saviour, (which those false apostles, deceitful workers, in 
" whom Satan transfigureth himself into an angel of light, 
" endeavour to take away from him,) am come hither, that 
" I may publicly resist these very persons in the power of 
*' our Lord Jesus Christ. Therefore we make known to 
*' every one, because the kingdom of God doth not consist 
" in word but in power, that we challenge those same Peter 
" de Loene and Nicolas, slanderers of the truth of Christ 
" and God, the next Thursday, the 25th of March, not to 
" an empty strife of words, but to the demonstration of the 
" Spirit and power. That so as I assert, either their false 
" and devilish doctrine, or rather our true and divine doc- 
" trine, be confirmed by signs, which the eternal truth of 
" God, which cannot lie, hath promised, shall follow those 
*' that truly believe. 

" And because they now of a long time, according to 


" their lusts, have urged much false doctrine, persecuting CHAP. 

" Christ in his members, there are many (for not these two L 

" alone, but others also with them, defend this false doc- Anno is 63. 

" trine,) whom they may assinne their aiders, and so as the 

" false prophets of Baal, do multiply and heap up to them- 

" selves, I being alone, but joined to Christ, it is very agree- 

" able to reason, and equal, that they first join themselves 

" to this touchstone, and declare of what sort they are ; 

" afterwards, when they shall be found reprobate silver, and 

" cast away by the Lord, then the grace of God shall be 

" revealed, what kind of treasure we carry about in this 

" earthen vessel, that it may be the abundance of the power 

" of God, and be ascribed to him, and not to us ; to whom all 

" glory and honour is due for ever and ever. Amen." 

By this challenge it seems, that which gave this Velsius Original 
offence was the Dutch ministers' assertion of original sin, 
utterly denied by the sect of Dutch anabaptists, of which 
sort this man I suppose was. And it is remarkable, so 
heated was the fancy of this sectary, that in this challenge 
he seemed to promise some signs and miracles to accompany 
his disputation, for the confirming of the pretended truth he 
should defend against these Dutch ministers. 

I will relate another exploit of this conceited man. It was He gives 
but a few days before this happened, that, as though it were minister up 
by some inspiration, he required the abovesaid De Loene to *" Satan. 
put his whole congregation upon entering into a second co-384 
venant with God, (baptism, their first, being broken,) and 
enjoining him to propose it to them accordingly for their 
salvation. But the said De Loene not complying with this 
proposal, Velsius took upon him, as one having some ex- 
traordinary authority from God, as St. Paul had, to anathe- 
matize him in that apostle's words. 

The renewing arid restauration of the dissolved cove- A second 
nant^ as Velsius entitled it, to be propounded to the con- ^j|,^j"^"j 
srreffation, ran in these words : " Because in the initiation of moved hy 

o » ' _ _ Velsius. 

" baptism we stuck not to the abrenunciations and sponsions 
" made for us, but by intolerable breach of faith, turning 
" away from Christ, and the life of God, as children of dis- 


CHAP. " obedience, we fell off wholly from them, again as dogs re- 
XXXIV. a i^Yning to their own vomit, and swine washed to their 
Anno 1563." wallowing in the mire, being conformed to our former 
" lusts in ignorance, doing the will of the flesh and of our 
" thoughts, walking, as other nations which know not God, 
" in the vanity of the mind, loving the world, and the things 
" of the world, the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eyes, 
" and the pride of life, and giving heed to spirits, impostors, 
" and doctrines of devils ; which fill the soul with know- 
" ledge that puff'eth up, envy and contention, and putting 
" away a good conscience; have made shipwrack concern- 
" ing faith, wandering from the simplicity which is in 
" Christ : therefore, ^vith the lost son, coming to ourselves, 
" desiring to bring forth fruit worthy of true repentance, 
" we do this day renounce wholly the Devil, and all his 
" suggestions, the world with all its pomps ; and also our- 
" selves, and the vanity of our minds, and our carnal cogi- 
" tations and lusts, with a firm purpose of never returning 
" to them again. To Christ also and to God we give our 
" names, to do henceforth according to his sayings, pre- 
*' cepts, and laws, to be put into our minds, and to be 
" written upon our hearts by the goodness and grace of 
" him, and the communication and leading of the Holy 
" Ghost, all our whole life according to our strength. To 
" the eternal Father we religiously promise and vow these 
" things, from a pure heart, a good conscience, and faith 
" unfeigned; by this aid and help, without which we can 
" do nothing ourselves, as of ourselves. This we know, 
" acknowledge, and confess, imploring that thou wouldest 
" vouchsafe in us these very things in the name of our 
" Lord Jesus Christ, by that holy and sanctifying Spirit. 
" Amen." 
Veisius's The letter he wrote to the Dutch minister aforesaid, to 

De^Loene P^'opose this Covenant to his congregation, may deserve also 
thereupon, to be taken notice of, which was as follows : 

" My friend, whom I love with a pure heart in Christ 
" Jesus, and whose salvation I do not less desire to further 
" than mine own. How long at last will you so miserably 


" deceive yourself and all others, and draw them with your- CHAP. 
" self into eternal perdition .? For who is not ready again to ' ' 

" renew and enter into this covenant with God and Christ, Anno i563. 

" and firmly to adhere to it, whence (as every one ought at 

" this day to acknowledge) he is fallen ? Ready, I say, to 

" enter into this covenant after the manner as it is here pro- 

" pounded from the holy scriptures ; without which he is 

" neither a Christian, nor can at any time ever be. And 385 

*' for that cause, convert yourselves ; be converted, I say, 

" before it be too late, from your evil ways, and yield your 

" ears to truth, which Christ by his unspeakable mercy hath 

" sealed in us, and is ready to confirm the same by signs 

" (set down in the last chapter of Mark) of those that truly 

" believe. To which I, because the righteousness of God 

" consisteth not in word but in power, challenge all the ad- 

" versaries of truth, to the praise and glory of the omnipo- 

" tent God, and the salvation of all men. Amen." 

But De Loene thought not good to follow this conceit of His ana- 
Velsius, and delayed the offering of this new covenant of his *^^"^^' 
drawing up, to his flock : whereupon he exerted his pre- 
tended plenary power, and published a writing, solemnly 
denouncing his anathema against the said preacher in these 
words : " To the hand of him to whomsoever this writing 
" shall come. Since he suppresseth it," [i. e. the renewing of 
the dissolved covenant,] " and proposeth it not presently, 
" and at this very day, to the whole congregation of Lower 
" Germany ; let the indignation of God be upon him ; and 
" in the power of our Lord Jesus Christ, let him be de- 
" hvered to Satan, to the destruction of his flesh, that the 
" spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus. 
" Amen.'''' 

Velsius also about this time wrote a letter to a French Writes also 
ambassador then in London, foretelling therein what terri- pj^^^ ^^^ 
ble judgments (which he said were already begun, i. e. by war bassador. 
and plague) God was bringing upon them for their obsti- 
nacy: and bade him know for certain, tljat God had revealed 
to him, by his Spirit, that they were inwardly possessed by 
Satan ; because (as it seems) he had not listened unto some 


CHAP, propositions that he had made to him and his nation about 
XXXIV. reiioriQn. 

Anno 1563. He wrote also to queen Elizabeth, and dealt as freely, in 
And to the ^ i^^g letter, with her, telling her, that he had writ to her 
for her own safety, and the safety of her kingdom : and that 
the Spirit of Christ compelled him to write, and to propose 
before her and the nobles of the kingdom, a norma recti 
Judicii, i. e. a rule of right judgment ; which he sent to her, 
to be embraced and professed by all her people. It was a 
paper of his own drawing up, consisting of several articles of 
doctrine, by way of question and answer, wherein were some 
very odd notions : as, that " a Christian is made by partici- 
** pation and grace that which Christ was of himself and 
*' by nature, namely, first, God in man, and then Man- 
« God." 

In the year 1556 he held a dispute at Frankfort with 
one Home, who appeared in behalf of Calvin's doctrine for 
absolute predestination, and against free-will : and him he 
called ambitionis et ksvoIq^Ius vilissimum mancipmm^ i. e. a 
most vile slave of ambition and vainglory. He asserted, that 
he that was born again might not sin, and in effect could 
not sin, that is, if he remained in the grace of regeneration. 
He is forbid To conclude concerning this man : he was brought before 
dom. '"° ^^^ ecclesiastical commissioners ; and at length two of them, 
viz. the bishop of London and the bishop of Winchester, 
386 forbade him the kingdom; and that by the queen's autho- 
rity. This he took notice of in the end of his letter to the 
queen : but that it should be by her authority, he said, he 
could not be induced to believe ; having been by them com- 
manded to depart hence for no other cause than for the true 
confession, which the queen had heard, and for his endea- 
vour of setting on foot a more pure life, by the leading of 
the Spirit of God. And that therefore he could not obey 
them, since God himself had confirmed his vocation here by 
an open miracle of Cosmus : who was a madman, and lately 
put into Bethlem : which madness Velsius fancied he had 
inflicted on him as a judgment ; saying, he was possessed 
by the Devil. 



The bishop of Worcester's vindication of himself against 
sir John Bourne before the privy council. Bourne''s im- 
prisonment and submission. 

XJr. Edwin Sandys, who deserved well of religion, and Anno i563. 
suffered for it, now bishop of Worcester, had a great enemy g^^'^"''" 
in that citv, namely, sir John Bourne, knight, the late queen complains 
Mary''s principal secretary of state. He was high steward of ^^^''jj"* ^^^ 
that church of Worcester, and a beneficiary thereof: and, Worcester, 
however an enemy he was to the religion reformed, yet he 
resorted to his parish church for the most part daily, (as he 
asserted himself to the privy council,) ever since Sandys'" 
coming to the diocese, and yet was reported to have mass 
said at his house : and he came now and then to the bi- 
shop's table, who treated him civilly. But Bourne, notwith- 
standing, had an angry stomach against the bishop, which 
at length appeared more openly ; when upon some pre- 
tended ill treatment of him from the bishop and his folks, 
he wrote letters to the privy council, complaining of him by 
way of information : which the bishop by word of mouth Rebuked by 
before the council. Bourne himself being present, answered 
so clearly and satisfactoril}^, that his accusations appeared to 
be unjust, false, and scandalous. He wrote also a very rude 
letter to the bishop, and received a reprimand from the 
council for the same. 

But Bourne ceased not ; but again sent to the council a Bourne's 
writing, which he called a declaration of the matters wherein theTishop. 
the bishop of Worcester had vindicated himself before the 
council. In this declaration, consisting in thirteen articles. Paper- 
he laboured to reply upon what the bishop had said. It was 
writ superciliously and spitefully, and slanderously upon 
that grave father's assertions, sermons, and person. As, 
•• that he had thought himself ill entreated by his lordship, 
" the bishop, and his folks ; and thereby sore provoked he 
" wrote that letter to the bishop, [which their honours had 
" seen,] for which he had received correction and rebuke 
" from them. That his lordship said, that being in prison in 


CHAP. " the Tower for religion, he understood that he [sir J. 

XXXV. 4< Bourne] was his enemy so much, that where queen Mary 
Anno 1 563. " was inchned to pardon and release him of his fault, he 
387 " fell on his knees before her, beseeching her grace to stay, 
" saying, he was the greatest heretic in Cambridge, where- 
" by he remained in great danger of his life, till God de- 
*' livered him " To this sir John Bourne said, " That he 
" was not sent to the Tower, (as the bishop had said,) but 
" to the Marshalsea, and remained there, not for religion, 
" but for treason. That in his sermon which he made at 
" Cambridge, when the duke of Northumberland came down 
" thither upon the lady Jane's business, being neither com- 
" manded by the nobility or the university, and without 
" the advice of the learned men there, he touched the 
" births of queen Elizabeth, and her late noble sister, and 
" pronounced thereof that which became him not. That he 
" never knew queen Mary intended his pardon : if she did, 
" he never laboured the contrary. That corrupt labour was 
" made for his deliverance under queen Mary, to which he 
" [Bourne, then secretary] assented not ; and when he was 
" discharo;ed he knew not, but sure he was there was no 
" plain order for it; and that he had heard, he conveyed 
" himself away by breaking prison with the aid of sir Tho- 
" mas Holcroft or his man. That customably in the bi- 
" shop''s talk he termed queen Mary, plain Mary, or Mary 
" Marral, Bloody Mary, and Drunken Mary ; and that, as a 
" token of her clemency, she was drunk the same night she 
" granted his pardon. That out of displeasure to Bourne, 
" he removed two servants from his service (one put to him 
" by one of the honourable board, and the other had served 
" the lady Chandois) for no quarrel, but that one had 
" served him, and the other he had praised, as being of 
" his acquaintance : and had received two more into his 
" service, whom he [Bourne] had removed from him. That 
" the bishop had charged him to have mass commonly said 
"in his house; which he denied he had: and that he 
*' called priests' wives, whores : and that when he was at 
" the bishop's table, he seemed to be displeased with him 


" for drinking to his wife, (whom Bourne gave this charac- CHAP. 
" ter of, that she was fair, well-nurtured, sober, and de- 

" mure, so far as he had seen,) and for calling her Za^?/; Anno 1 663. 

" whereat (said Bourne) he chafed, and said he mocked both 

*' him and her. Bourne added, that he frequented his parish 

" church for the more part daily ever since the bishop"'s 

" coming to his diocese : and verily believed he had been 

" there more often for the quarter than his lordship in his 

" cathedral church, or in any other in one year, of any in- 

" tent to pray. That in a sermon of the bishop's about ma- 

" trimony and the virgin state, he had said, that there was 

" no imparity, but the vow and dignity of both was equal, 

" and equally seemed in the sight of God. That indeed he 

" praised both estates well. That he affirmed all contracts 

" and bargains of matrimony to be damnable, and of no va- 

" lidity, made privately and without consent of parents ; 

" alleging Evaristus for that purpose. That concerning 

" virginity and the single life, he handled the case so finely, 

*' that to his thinking, if he should have believed him, he 

" could not find three good virgins since Christ's time. And 

*' that so he left the matter with an exhortation to all to 

" marry, marry. Further, that he said in that sermon, that 

" single-living men, that is to say, unmarried, and espe-388 

" cially unmarried priests, lived naught. And that tliere in 

" the city were lately presented five or six unmarried 

" priests, that kept five or six whores apiece ; though there 

" were not above four unmarried priests in the city in all. 

" That not one of them had purged himself of that crime 

" whereof he was detected, nor had fulfilled any public pe- 

" nance, or private, as he guessed. And he had learned the 

" law to be, that the ordinary should keep the detection se- 

" cret till the party were called to answer ; nor was the 

" party openly in the pulpit to be traduced, till the visitor 

" should call him to answer, were he lay or spiritual 

" person. 

" Then Bourne spake of the church of Worcester, whereof 
" he was high steward and a beneficiary : and then of the 
" covetousness of those spiritual persons belonging to it 



CHAP. " that were married ; and how they did dispense the lands 
^^^ " and goods of holy church to them committed where he 

Anno 1563. " dwelt. That in the bishop"'s visitation he had commanded 
" the altar-stone in sir J. B's parish church to be pulled 
" down and defaced. And whereas the bishop had said, sir 
" J. B. had commanded the contrary, and that it should 
" not be broken nor defaced, but reserved ; and in con- 
" tempt of him caused it to be borne out of the church, and 
" carried home to his house ; sir John said, it was untrue, 
" for the altar was taken down, as he said, a year before he 
*' came to the church, and was reserved and laid aside to- 
*' ward the paving of one isle of the said church ; and be- 
" stowed in the paving thereof accordingly, and never 
" brought to his house, nor carried out of the church. 

" Bourne had also charged the bishop with phrensy : and 
*' that he heard this first by report of the duke of Northum- 
" berland, he being present at his examination in the 
" Tower. Which duke, being then charged that he should 
" cause the said bishop [then Dr. Sandys] to make that ser- 
" mon at Cambridge, for which he was committed to the 
" Marshalsea, had said for answer, that he was so much of- 
" fended with the said sermon, that no one thing offended 
" him more : and further said, he was once minded to have 
" punished him for example, till for excuse, he learned, that 
" he was once out of his wits, and beside himself for love, 
" or some such other matter : which his infirmity, Bourne 
" added, he had heard from others." 
The bishop Of these and many other particulars did Bourne's said 
Bourne's declaration consist. To this calumniatory writing the bishop 
declaration ^^g j^q|- giJent ; nor would his own care of his reputation in 

against . . , , . . 

him. the church suffer him, but answered this declaration in two 

or three sheets of paper, offered to the council. To which an- 
swer was added the blazon of his coat of arms, signed by 
Will. Harvey Clarenceux ; wherein it appeared he was 
sprung of an ancient genteel family in St. Bees in Cumber- 
land, against the slander of the said Sir John Bourne, that 
he was no gentleman. 

Now because the reputation of .so eminent a father in 


our church, and of whom so much use was made in reform- CHAP. 
ing of corrupt religion, and settling the church of England ^XXV. 
in the beginning of queen Ehzabeth's reign, might be Anno 1 563. 
cleared from the calumnies of his enemies; I shall here set 389 
down this bishop's vindication of himself against this gen- 
tleman, which the said bishop sent to the privy council, and 
his letter with it. His letter ran to this tenor : 

" Where, at such time as sir John Bourne and I wereuishop 
" before your honours, there was declared unto me by your letter to 
" honours the substance of an information, which the saidtiie privy 
*' sir John had made to your honours against me; where- p^pgr. * 
" unto I prayed leave that I might presently answer: and^°"^^* 
" having licence of your honours, briefly and truly an- 
" swered the most part thereof accordingly. And thereupon 
" your honours did order, that the said sir John should 
" article in writing all such matters of his information as he 
" had to charge me with ; and that I afterward should in 
" writing answer the same ; and further object against him : 
*' it now plainly appeareth by his book of articles, that the 
" said sir John doth not use his articles by way of informa- 
" tion according to the said order, but by way of answer 
" unto that which I spake befoi-e your honours. And be- 
" cause he taketh upon him to report that in writing 
" which I uttered by mouth, and so to answer : and in his 
" said report doth far alter the tale which I told ; and so 
" hath answered in many places that which by me was 
" never objected but by himself: I am constrained, first, 
" briefly to iterate my said tale uttered before your ho- 
" nours, to the intent to put your honours in remembrance 
" of the truth thereof; and to shew you Ukewise how far 
" the said sir John mistaketh and misreporteth the same. 
" And because his articles, which he useth by name of an 
*' answer to ine, are rather in themselves a new accusation, I 
" will truly answer to the substance of the same : and 
" where he doth charge me and mine in his said articles 
" with many and sundry great and heinous crimes, misbe- 
" haviours, and defaults ; wherein, if he should say trouthe, 
" I were far unmeet the office and rome wherein the 

c 2 


CHAP. " queen'^s majesty hath placed me; so if his sayings shall 
XXXV. a appear to be vain, aiid not true, (as they be most un- 
Anno 1663. " true,) and many of them devised by himself, and of his 
" malice, not only borne towards me, but also towards all 
" that preach the doctrine of the gospel, as I do : then are 
" they such an heavy burden of slander wrongfully laid 
"upon me, so much to the discredit of me unto your ho- 
" nours, the defacing of my preaching, and hinderance of 
" the execution of my office; that I shall most humbly 
" beseech your honours, that he may at the least openly 
" deny them with the same tongue, or by like writing, as he 
" hath most slanderously, maliciously, and untruly uttered 
'* them." Then followed the bishop's paper, viz. 

The repetition of my answer made before your honours in 

such matters, as sir John Bourne had laid to my charge 

before the same. 

The bi- " I most humbly thank your honours, that it will please 

shop's an- a y^y^ ^^ gjyg ^ciq leave to auswcr for myself. I being pri- 

hiniseif, " soncr in the Tower, suit was made to queen Mary and 

spoken be- ^ ^^^ privy council for my enlargement : and it was re- 

jirivy coun- " ported unto me, the bill of my delivery was allowed by 

house ^^"^"^ " the privy council, and sent up in the docket to be as- 

390 " signed by the queen. When it came thereunto, sir John 

" Bourne hindered that bill, by reporting what my father 

" was ; what my brother was ; and how that I was the 

" greatest heretic in Cambridge, and a corrupter of the 

^' university. And so I was stayed until it pleased God to 

" deliver me, as may now appear. This displeasure long 

" since I had cast out of my mind, and freely forgiven ; 

" whereof God will bear me witness. 

" At my coming to Worcester, sir John Bourne resorted 
" unto me twice or thrice, whom I entertained so friendly 
" as I could ; minding that way to win his favour, and 
" conform his opinion in rehgion. And although I was in- 
" formed by divers honest men of the city, that he had 
" mass in his house, which his fool could openly report, 
" and was otherways diversely bruited and suspected ; and 


*' moreover in reasoning with me, and in defending tran- CHAP. 
" substantiation, reproving Peter Martyr's book, he pro- 

" tested he would never be of my religion. And where I Anno isea. 

" directed forth process for a widow, whom his brother 

*' Thomas Bourne, having wife and children of his own, 

*' had gotten with child, being a woman before in honest 

" name, and having a good living, sir John Bourne hin- 

" dered the sending forth the said process ; shewing my re- 

" gister that he would take upon him to satisfy me in that 

*' behalf, as my register did and will testify. And whereas I 

" commanded an altar-stone in his church to be broken ac- 

" cording to the queen''s majesty's injunctions; and resort- 

" ing thither to preach, I asked the churchwardens whether 

" they had so done or no. They answered, that sir John's 

" man had carried it away into his house ; and they could 

" not have it, nor break it. Also, in a sermon that I made 

" at a marriage, shewing how fit and necessary it was that 

" children should not contract without the consent of their 

" parents, bringing the saying of Evaristus, a bishop of 

" Rome, Matrimonia tunc sunt, cum exjyetuntur a paren- 

^' tibus ; alioqui non mutrimonia, scd stupra sunt; i.e. 

*' Marriage is that which is sought by parents ; otherwise it 

*' is not marriage, but whoredom. This doctrine sir John 

" depraved ; labouring thereby to discredit my preaching. 

" Besides, I sending for divers of his parish, to detect 
*' faults and disorders in my visitation, he detained them 
" back, and would not suffer to come. All these displeasures 
*' and inconveniences I suffered, lest I should seem to re- 
** venge old displeasure, and to work upon affection. 

" But the cause of his chief grief towards me rose upon 
" this occasion. Two ministers' wives, who be both honest 
" and sober, (the one a gentlewoman,) Avere going over Se- 
" vern in their own boat. My lady Bourn, her eldest son, 
" and divers servants, entered into the boat. Sir John 
" Bourne's eldest son, blaspheming and swearing, said, No-w 
" you are among papists. As for you, Mrs. Avyce, you are 
" a shrew. And, Mrs. Wilson, your husband is a goodJeU 
" loxo : ye can want no help ; if ye do, send for me. It is 



CHAP. " no mervail if sir John Bourne's son use such talk ; for he 
XXXV. <c himself calleth ministers' wives whores. One of the serv- 

Anno 1563." ing men rushed on Mrs. Avyce's shoulders with his 
391 " buckler, and tear her coat almost a foot long, and pierced 
" unto the skin, and hurt her ; and put them both in great 
" fear. Upon this occasion a servant of mine, being cousin 
" to Mrs. Wilson, as he reported, was offended, and meet- 
" ing with one Jones, sir John Bourne's servant asked him, 
" Is not thy name Jones .? Yea, said he, what wouldest thou 
" with that.'' Marry, thou art a knave, and hast abused a 
" gentlewoman, a friend of mine. Whereupon they drew 
" their weapons, and my man smote the sword out of his 
" hand at the first blow. After, bade him take it up again, 
" saying, I might kill thee if I would : but fight, if thou 
" darest. My brother, being my receiver, going on hunting 
" with others, came and ended the fray. This servant is 
" called Kilkow, although supposed to be a coward : for his 
" master going in the streets of Worcester, a serving man 
" met him, and forgat to put off his cap : whereupon sir 
" John Bourne called him hnave: and this his man, (as 
" should appear and was reported,) at his commandment, 
" went and found the serving man in a shop, and cometh 
" behind him and smiteth him, that he was in great danger 
" of death hereby. Anthony Bourne, son and heir of sir 
" John Bourne, offended herewithal, sent his sword to the 
" cutlers, to make it sharp ; and came soon after himself, 
*' with three or four men, near unto my palace gates, and 
*' called, Where be the bishop's boys? Tell them that An- 
*' thony Bourne is come. Hereupon my men went forth, 
" and they buckled together with their weapons, and had 
" made a fray upon my men, if the bailiff had not parted 
" them, I being in my consistory all the while. At the 
*' length making an end of matters, and repairing home 
" into my house, having but one man left with me, coming 
*' into my palace, my porter seemed to be troubled : and I 
" asked what the matter was ? Said he, Anthony Bourne 
" and divers of his father's servants called out your men to 
" fight with them. Whereupon I hasted to the street, where 


" I found them newly set asunder. I went with the bailiffs CHAP. 
" into the town-house, where the parties were also called. I 

" required the bailiffs, that if any of my men had offended, ^nno isea. 

" to punish them most extremely, to the example of all 

" others : and when they had done, I would expel them my 

" house. But as for young ]Mr. Bourne, use your discretion. 

" And so I departed, leaving the examination to the bai- 

" liffs. And of any quarrel between my men and sir John 

" Bourne*'s men before that, of my honesty I never knew 

" nor heard. And of all this I minded never to have com- 

" plained. 

" Within two days after, I having occasion rode to Lud- 
" low, to my lord president, [sir Henry Sidney.] And he 
" asked of Worcester matters. I told him of the disorder 
" that was like to have been at AVorcester. Whereupon he 
" wrote to the bailiffs to examine the matter truly, and to 
" send unto him the examination. Which they did. An- 
" thony Bourne, with some others, was sent for by letters : 
*' and he, after sharp rebuke, was bound to the peace against 
" me and all my folks. Whereupon it may appear where the 
" fault was. All this notwithstanding, when I perceived that 
" sir John Bourne a little before Christmas came into the 
" country, with my lady his wife, and minded not to keep 
" house, I required my chancellor, who is his friend, to tell 
" sir John, that if he and my lady his wife would keep 
" Christmas with me, they should be welcome. 

" After I had received a commission from your honours, 3^2 
" directed to me, sir Thomas Russel, Mr. Blount, Mr. 
<' Hawks, and Mr. Foliot, for the disorder made at St. 
" Johns by Thomas Bourne and others, as we were toge- 
" ther reading the same, and directing forth precepts for 
" the parties to appear, sir John Bourne sent me a letter, 
" which your lordships have seen. I read it presently to the 
" said commissioners, and immediately after sent my man 
" to sir John Bourne, who was in the city, praying him to 
" dine with me. As they all misliked the letter, so they 
" mervailed I would send for him. He refused to come : if 
" he had come, truly I had cast the letter into the fire. 



CHAP. " And these be the dealings which have been between 

^^^^' " sir John Bourne and me. Hitherto I have not accused 

Anno 1563. " him ; for I take that to be the worst part. Neither will I, 

" except I be commanded ; although I have to say against 

" him such matters which I would be loath to utter. 

" This was my whole talk. I minded to have answered 
*' certain objections against me, made by sir John Bourne, 
" concerning his brother, Mr. Arden, Mr. Norfolk, Mr. Ce- 
" cil, and certain whom he termed his servants : but that 
" with kneeling down, and crying, All was false I had 
" said, he interrupted me. And your honours, being long 
*' troubled with our talk, ordered diat we should article in 
*' writing." 

This was the bishop''s speech to the privy council. Then 
followeth his answer to sir John Bourne's declaration. 
Which being very long, I was in some suspense about in- 
serting it, inclining to abbreviate or wave it wholly : but 
considering how many notable historical remarks there will 
be found in it, of matters relating to religion and the state 
of men and things in those times, and proper to illustrate 
the life, spirit, and acts of this worthy bishop, and vindicate 
one of our chief reformers, and withal to preserve an au- 
thentic paper of state ; I will take the pains to transcribe it, 
and hope the reader will find it worth his time to peruse it. 

Bishop of jiri answer to the declaration of sir John Bourne, Tcnight, 
answ'wjto * "which he hath made to my ansioer uttered before your 
Bourne's liouours. The Said declaration heins; indeed a new and 

declaration . 

against him. untruc accustttion. 

First, The said sir John Bourne misreportclh my words 
uttered before your honours, as may appear by my repeti- 
tion thereof now made in writing according to the truth, as 
I trust ye do remember. 
I. To the first article which he nameth I answer. I say that 

every sentence in the same contained is most vain and un- 
true : and he proceedeth against me maliciously, with mani^ 
fest untruth in the residue of his book. 

The said sir John saith, that / was not prisoner in the 


Toxver. I answer, that I was there prisoner under the cus- CHAP, 
tody of sir Edward Warner and sir John Brudges, knights, 

lieutenants of the said Tower, twenty-nine weeks. Some of Anno 1563. 
your honours know I say truth, and did see me there. Im-393 
mediately before Mr. Wyat's apprehension, I was by order 
removed into the Marshalsea. 

Further, he saith, / was in the Marshalsea for treason. 
I answer, that I neither was, nor by the law could at any 
time be charged with treason: for the matter objected 
against me was, for Avords uttered in my sermon at Cam- 
bridge : which were not within the compass of any law of 

He saith likewise, / made a sermon at Cambridge, {for 
which I was imprisoned,) not commanded hy the nobility or 
the university, and xvithout the advice of the learned men 
there. I answer to that, that the duke's grace of Northum- 
berland, and others of the council then there, both com- 
manded me, and gave me instructions. Divers of the mas- 
ters and heads of the colleges both conferred with me, and 
consented to my doings, which were not in such sort as ma- 
lice hath reported them. 

He moreover saith, that / spaTie that which became me 
7wt, of the birth of the queeji's majesty that now is. There- 
unto I answer, that I neither spake of her birth, nor made 
any mention of her highness in my said sermon; saving 
only that according to my bounden duty I prayed for her, 
as I have already sufficiently declared before the queen's 
majesty, and to some of this honourable board, in that be- 
half: and yet am not to prove the same by good and cer- 
tain testimony. 

He saith also, that he never hindered my pardon. Truth 
it is, my friends never sued for my pardon, but only for my 
delivery and discharge of impi'isonment : which he a great 
while by untrue and unhonest surmises stayed ; as sir Tho. 
Holcroft and others, then suitors for the same, reported to 
my friends. 

He furthermore saith, that corrupted means were used 
for my delivery ; and that he is sure that I ims discharged 


CHAP, hy no plain order ; and as he heard say^ I conveyed myself 
^^^^- away hy breaMng of prison, with the aid of sir Tho. Hol- 

hnxxo \bQZ. croft or his men. I answer, that I never promised nor as 
sented to give, or that any of my friends should give for 
my dehverance, any one groat. 1 was dehvered by queen 
Mary's warrant, signed with her own hand, and subscribed 
Avith the hands of divers of her privy council, as the bishop 
of Winchester, then lord chancellor of England, the right 
honourable the earl of Pembroke, my lord Hastings of 
Loughborough, then master of her highness's horse, and 
others. I had also the said council's several letters directed 
to the sheriff' of Westmerland, to the bishop of Peterbo- 
rough, and to the vice-chancellor of Cambridge ; command- 
ing them to restore my goods which they had seized. That 
I brake not prison, Mr. Waye, yet keeper of the said Mar- 
shalsea, who brought me forth of the same by the authority 
aforesaid, and set me at liberty, can well testify. 

Where he chargeth me with many foul and unfitting 
terms spoken by me of queen Mary, when I used to make 
mention of my pardon, (which I could not do, because I 
never had any of her ;) as the assertion is most untrue and 
odious, so shall he never be able to prove it. And thus may 
your honours evidently perceive the great impudency of 
my accuser, and the manifest untruth of this accusation ; 
and that in every sentence of this article. 
394 In the second article he misreporteth my words uttered 
^^' before your honours. Yet for answer to his arguments of 
displeasure, I do not remember that any of this honour- 
able body ever put any servant to me, nor that I put away 
any such servant. At die request of my lord Grey of Wil- 
ton, I received one Colyng, who had served the lady Chan- 
dos: whom for brawling with one of his fellows, named 
Adam Twidall, and giving him a blow, I discharged out of 
my service, according to certain orders prescribed and kept 
within my house. That he praised any to me, or that this 
Colyng was ever his servant, truly I cannot remember. One 
Dyer sei-ved me, till I heard an evil report of his life ; but 
that he ever served sir John Bourne, before now I never 


heard. Davys being discharged of sir John Bourne's service, CHAP, 
offered his service to the steward of my house; who being ^^^ * 

received into the stable upon further hking, and misUking Anno i56s. 
his labour, my steward discharged him again. John Fisher 
hath been servant to sir John Bourne ; and by surviving his 
father, with whom he was joined in a copy and a patent, is 
now my tenant, and my bailiff and woodward of my manor 
of Hallowe and Grymley. And because there is some con- 
troversy between sir John and me, for certain tenements 
or rents, parcel of my said manor of Grimley, my officers 
thought he could not truly serve us both ; and thereupon 
required him to leave sir John''s service, and to serve me, 
or else to take the fee, and to leave the execution of the 
office to some other honest man during the time of the said 

Touching Mr. Thomas Cecil, being a man in his youth 
well brought up in learning, and also in good religion in 
Cambridge ; and after that, serving Mr. Goodrick ; be- 
cause he obtained not his purpose in a suit, he upon dis- 
pleasure departed from Mr. Goodrick, and revolted in reli- 
gion, as I heard it credibly reported. Coming to Worcester, 
he hath shewed himself a most obstinate papist, and adver- 
sary to the gospel ; and hath there professed and practised 
both the temporal and spiritual law, being sufficiently in- 
structed in neither : wherefore, and for his frivolous delays 
and unhonest shifts daily by him used in defence of evil 
causes, being charged therewith by me, by my chancellor I 
discharged him of my consistory-court. And for these causes 
only, and for no respect of sir John Bourne's familiarity with 
him, I so did. The like before removed the same Thomas 
Cecil out of Bristow, as I was then credibly informed. He is 
brought in here for his name's sake, not for his virtue sake. 

Mr. Bourne may allege the like arguments as these, of 
my displeasure ; for that I deprived Arden and Northfolk, 
two obstinate papists ; and for that I have punished many no- 
torious offenders : whereof many be of his acquaintance and 
great familiarity, and as it is said, the more stubborn by his 


CHAP. For answer to the third article, I say, that my lenity and 
_2____ softness was such, that as I was not willing to touch him, 

Anno 1 563. so I laid not watch for his doings, which I might easily have 
^^^' found out, if I had used diligence therein according to my 
duty. But it is very true, that it was commonly bruited in 
Worcester, and yet is, (and that of honest men,) that he had 
mass in his house divers times after my coming into the 
country ; and his fool spake it : and fools often speak as 
truly as they who would seem to be wise. 
395 To the fourth article, where he saith, that I charged him 
before your honours, that he favoured not priests' mar- 
riages ; how untrue it is, your honours can remember ; and 
likewise ^r his not coming to the church. These are his 
own, because he hath pleasure to talk in them. So likewise 
much of the rest was not spoken by me. But to answer his 

He saith, he hath been qftener at the church than I ; for 
the intent to pray. He setteth forth so much his own holi- 
ness, and so much chargeth me with want and negligence of 
my duty, that he forceth me to speak that which otherwise 
I would not utter. I may safely thus much say, that there 
hath not six days passed me, since I went first to Wor- 
cester, but I frequented common prayer either in mine 
own chapel with my family, or in churches abroad in my 
diocese, or elsewhere. And those six days, sickness made me 
keep my chamber. I can moreover safely say, that there 
hath passed me neither Sunday nor holyday, saving two 
only, (and then let as before,) wherein I preached not once 
or twice, besides my visitation sermons and workday ser- 
mons : and I never came in church, nor never preached, but 
I prayed. And for proof thereof I shall be able to bring 
sufficient testimony. 

Where he supposeth, that Harwel told me, how he de- 
praved my doctrine. Truth it is, he depraved my doctrine ; 
which was told me by as worshipful a man as sir John 
Bourne is himself, and one of much more credit. He 
bringeth in my wife to speak evil of her, if he could ; that I 
should be offended with him, because he drank unto her. I 


would gladly know how he understood it, by word or coun- CHAP. 

• -T ^ -rt /» 11 1 XXXV. 

tenance? I need not fear sir John Bourne ot all other 

men: for he misliketh all priests' wives, and dare call them'^'^"" i'^^^. 
zvhores. And I suppose none of them have great cause to 
favour him. In calling her lady, which is not her name, 
neither ever was so called, either before or since, (and he 
then did it to mock her,) I told him that therein he abused 
us both. 

Where he heard hut three sermons, it declareth what 
good will he beareth to God's word. Where he misliked the 
last, and a learned man called it pernicious, I would pray 
that that learned man may be named. I preached at a mar- 
riage, and so had good occasion to speak of matrimony; 
which I wished to be made by consent of parents. Among 
many other scriptures and authorities for that purpose, I 
also brought in that saying of Evaristus, Matrimonia tunc 
sunt, cum expetuntur a parentibus ; alioquin non matri- 
monia, sed stupra sunt: not precisely affirming, but only 
alleging his opinion: neither minding thereby to make 
dampnable, or of no validity, any matrimony so made ac- 
cordinir to the order of law received, as by him I am 
charged ; but only to persuade how convenient parents' as- 
sents be. To make equality between matrimony and virgi- 
nity I never did. I am not so ignorant in the scriptures 
and writers. Marry I said, that neither matrimony nor vir- 
ginity deserve heaven : for that was the free gift of God, 
attained by a lively faith in Christ Jesus. That I called all 
contracts without consent of parents damnable ; or that I 
cried. Marry, Marry, it is most vain and untrue. 

And where also he chargeth me, that I said five or six 396 
priests were detected of whoredom ; of my truth it is a most 
vain fable : for neither did I speak it, neither was there any 
one priest in my diocese detected of whoredom : and there- 
fore I could punish none. 

Where he allegeth the law, what I ought to do in detec- 
tion; this shaft cometh out of a lawyer's quiver; who 
helped him to pen this vain book. 

Where he saith, he never reasoned with me, nor none of 


CHAP, mine; it is very untrue: for he reasoned with me in de- 
'_ fence of tran substantiation, and condempned Peter Martyr"'s 

Anno 1 563. doctrine and learning in comparison of Dr. Gardiner"'s, late 
bishop of Winchester. He at that time said, he would never 
agree with me in religion. The like he spake to my chap- 
lain, Mr. Wilson : and also took upon him to defend tran- 
substantiation at my lord president's table. This man taketh 
liberty to deny and say what he listeth. 

Concerning the discourse which he maketh against the 
marriage of ministers, I think it not necessary to be an- 
swered by me, but leave it to the judgment of your ho- 
nours, to whom, as he saith, he hath therein declared his 
opinion. What he liketh or misliketh, it maketh not much 
matter : for he misliketh the gospel, true religion, and these 
our times. But he ought of right most of all to mislike 

I was never charged before with covetousness : for it is a 
sin far from me of all others : for my greedy getting is 
such, that I am in debt a great sum. His further vain talk 
needeth no answer. Where he allegeth that he never called 
priests'* wives zvhores, it is untrue : for three women going 
through his park, wherein is a path for footmen, he, suppos- 
ing they had been priests' wives, called unto them. Ye shall 
not come through my park, and no stich priests' whores. 

Where he calleth himself a benejiciary of the college of 
Worcester, your honours may well perceive how well he re- 
quiteth them for their benefits ; who now accuseth them be- 
fore you, the parties being absent. Indeed the college hath 
benefited him with some part of his living, and it benefited 
his father before him; who was an officer in the same 
church. But I have not heard of a courtesy used by him 
towards them. If he have to charge the dean and preben- 
daries of the said college, they have age, and can answer 
for themselves. 
V. To the fifth article, I say, that his answer is most untrue 

and slanderous. I commanded process to be given forth 
for that woman whom his brother had polluted. When she 
appeared not, I charged with that fault my register. Who 


answered, that sir John Bourne sent unto him to stay, and CHAP. 


said that he would satisfy me. And this my register shall . ^ 

not deny. I shewed such favour unto his brother, that I Anno 1 563. 

caused him to do open penance, and also to pay four marks to 

the poor. How sir John hath misliked his brother, it doth 

well appear, since the beginning of this matter : for in his 

brother's quarrel he wrote this undiscreet letter, [which 

was brought before the council, and he received a rebuke 

for it,] and proceedeth to rail upon me, and slander me, as 

your honours may perceive. And where he saith, that my 

chancellor put me in remembrance of gooclfellowsMp, as he 

calleth it, wherewith he saith, I am said to be acquainted in 

my youth in such causes ; I humbly beseech your honours, 397 

that my chancellor may be examined in that behalf: that if 

it shall appear that he used no such talk to me, it may be 

evident how slanderously this is invented and forged of 


And further, I shall most humbly pray your honours. The bishop 
even for the love that you bear to innocency, that sir John concerned, 
Bourne may be put to a further trial and proof of his hear- when the 

1 1 AT IT 1 u sobriety of 

say, and I cleared of so hemous a slander. My lite hath j,is nfe was 
never been impeached nor blotted since I was born. How I touched. 
have lived from my youth until this day, I have good testi- 
mony since I was twelve years of age. My lord of London 
for the most part hath known my conversation, as one with 
whom I have ever lived familiarly : except between thirteen 
and eighteen years of age, we have ever to this time lived as 
brothers together. His testimony I shall pray may be 
heard. Besides him, Mr. Secretary, from eighteen years till 
that I was twenty-two, can tell of my life. It pleased him 
to use me familiarly. After that time, until I came from 
Cambridge, my lord of Canterbury, [Dr. Matthew Parker,] 
Mr. Dr. Haddon, sir Thomas Smith, and Mr. [Peter] Os- 
burn, with many others, can report of my conversation. I 
passed through all the degrees in the university orderly 
without any dispensation. I was chosen to all the offices of 
the university which were bestowed upon students : I was 
scrutator, I was taxer, I was proctor, and I was vice-chan- 


CHAP, cellor. If my life was so lewd as sir John reporteth, the 
• university would not thus have preferred me. And my 

Anno 1563. rowme was to be master of a college. When I was in prison, 
no malice could or did charge my conversation. My life be- 
yond the seas, I pray your honours that it may be testified 
by my lord of London, my lord of Salisbury, sir Anthony 
Coke, and sir Thomas Wroth. And since my coming home, 
I report me to the world. Having this testimony of my ho- 
nest life, I trust ye will not suffer sir John Bourne thus im- 
pudently to slander me with hearsay. 

VI. To the sixth article I say, that the article is untrue. The 
altar-stone remaining in the church I commanded to be 
broken. At my coming thither it was removed out of the 
church, but not broken. The churchwardens openly af- 
firmed, (which they cannot deny,) that sir John Bourne's men 
had carried it into his house ; and they durst not fet it 
out, nor break it. What his good devotion is of late, I know 
not ; but sure I am he hath devotion to pull down church 
and chapel, as hereafter I will remember unto you. 

VII. To the seventh article I say, that in the same he untruly 
slandereth me, my chancellor, and apparitor. We never 
called any without just cause, and worthy of correction. 
Those that were appointed to appear, were appointed by 
the discretion of his unlearned parson, and altogether by 
sir John Bourne''s direction. Those appointed were his te- 
nants, and not well affected towards religion, and durst do 
no other than he commanded. I sent for other two which fa- 
voured the gospel, that they might detect his unlearned 
parson ; who in the pulpit moved the people to auricular 
confession, as a thing necessary to salvation, as the auditors 

398 did report. These two men the said sir John so used that 
they durst not come ; and so I could not orderly proceed to 
the correction of the priest. 

VIII. To the eighth article he reporteth my tale very untruly in 
divers points, as may appear by my own repetition. To his 
declaration in this article I answer, that my foi-mer words 
be true. And Mrs. Gervys, whom he allegeth for a witness, 
will affirm the same, I doubt not, if she be examined upon 


her oath. I termed not my man a p-entleman: and vet his CHAP. 

brother may dispend one hundred marks by year, as I 

hear; and sure I am he himself might spend twenty mark^""" ^^'^^' 
in land : his name is Acres. And that I should not offend 
sir John Bourne after the examination of that affray, I put 
him out of my service ; who from me went to serve at New 
Haven : and being come over again from thence, he re- 
turned thitherwards with sir Thomas Fynch, and, as I hear 
say, is drowned. The wife that had her coat torn almost a 
foot long, (and not down to her skirts, as sir John re- 
porteth,) was no gentlewoman, yet an honest woman. The 
other was a gentlewoman whom his son used with so vile 
talk. And this will be deposed. 

Whose servant he was that sir Johns's man smote, truth 
is, I know not. But whether be meet that sir John's servant 
should smite in peril of death all -such as will not put off 
their caps when sir John Bourne passeth by the common 
streets of a large city, I refer to the consideration of your 
honours. My brother came to the parting of that fray made 
between my man and his, as I credibly was informed ; and 
neither procured it, nor called any man knave for it. Where- 
as sir John reporteth my brother called him knave : all that 
I know I will truly say, not to defend my brother's evil, 
but to report a truth. Sir John met my brother riding to- 
wards Oxford ; who put off his hat to him. Sir John, dis- 
dainfully looking at him, saluted him with these words; 
Farewell, sir hnave ; (for it is to be noted that it is common 
with him to term many honest men so.) My brother an- 
swered, Sir, you are no less. Whereat one of sir John's 
men buckled to fight with him : but sir John stayed his 
man. It was some time after I heard of this. When I heard 
it, I earnestly reproved my brother; and six weeks after 
never spake unto him. And for these his uncomely words 
used to a knight, I put him out of my house and service : 
for I will keep none that either will brawl, or abuse his 
tongue towards any man of worship. 

Where sir John chargeth me, by hearsay, that I should 
speak the like words in effect, he doth me great wrong : for 



CHAP. 1 have used no words of reproach towards him: and my 
' brother never offended me so much in any thing as in that. 

Anuo 1563.1 suppose it is some correction which I have used, and will 
make him smart. But whether it be fit for sir John to give 
such occasion as then he did, and as in his letter and in 
his book also he doth, I refer it to your wisdoms. More 
than these there passed no words that ever I heard of. 

IX. In the ninth article sir John reporteth my tale made be- 
fore your honours far otherwise than I spoke it. But that 
it is true so far as I reported it before your honours, I will 

399r6f'£i" 5^6 to the testimony of my lord president: that his 
son came near to my gates, and said as I before reported, I 
can prove by good witnesses. That the examination, and 
my report to the said lord president was all one, I refer me 
also to the said lord president. That I laboured the bailiffs 
in that examination, or that I either spake with the town- 
clerk, and set forth with him or the bailiffs, that is most un- 
true. Wherein I refer me to the report of the said town- 
clerk. Indeed my lord president gave commission to the 
bailiffs to bind a conjurer to answer before the queen's com- 
missioners at London. The town-clerk made the bond, and 
appointed no day, nor what commissioners. Which bond 
was of no effect ; wherewith I found fault. And this conju- 
rer is one of sir John Bourne's friends : for whom he la- 
boured earnestly with my lord president. 

X. In the tenth article he uttered more untrouth. As he 
began, so he continucth. I hearing by my chancellor that 
he and my lady, his wife, were comen from London, and 
would not keep Christmas at their own house, but with 
some friend ; I required my chancellor to pray him and my 
lady, his wife, to keep Christmas with me. Which thing, I 
trust, my chancellor will witness. Where he saith, he kept 
house and hospitality, it is untrue. For he made his abode 
with Mr. Michael Liggon, who is his brother-in-law. What 
his number is, I know not. Sure I am, he may by report 
spend more than I. Yet I trust my housekeeping will be 
better reported than his. As the gentlemen and I which 
were in commission were reading-your honour's commission, 


and making out precepts for the parties, I received his let- CHAP. 
ters ; all they Avill bear me witness. So your honoiu's may ^^^^ ' 

see how true sir J. B\s reports be. Anno \bc,3. 

To the eleventh article I answer, I mervail what mbveth„. ,-^^' 


Sir J. B. to enter into my parentage. It is not pertaining Sandys' 
to this matter. He reported, that / was neither gcntlcmcm^^'^^^^^^'^' 
nor honest man. I friendly told him of it, and said, I 
would not contend for gentry, but would defend my ho- 
nesttj. My father was an honest man, and served the king, 
and was a justice of peace in his county ; and, I suppose, 
was much better known to divers of your honours than sir 
J. B's father was. What sir J. B's father was, I will not 
Call into question. They which list to inquire may soon 
learn. Where he accuseth me for giving the arms pertain- 
ing to divers families, whereof 1 am not issued, he doth me 
wrong. For those I have, the herald sent me, as due unto 
me. And that this is true, here you may see his testimony, 
for my arms, house, and descent. 

Here was enclosed a certificate of Hervey, alias Claren- 
cieux, with bishop Sandys'" coat tricked. Which was or, a 
fesse indented gules, between three crosses croslets fitche of 
the same : being the bearing of Sandes of St. Bees in the 
county of Cumberland. 

In the twelfth article he chargeth me with phrensy : and xii. 
bringeth for his author the dvike of Northumberland; who, 
if he lived, would teach him another lesson, than so impu- 
dently to report so manifest an untrouth. It went hard with 
that noble man, when sir J. B. was become his examiner. 400 
The duke was so far from being offended with me, that he 
gave me hearty thanks, and commanded me to write the 
sermon, that it might be put in print, as Mr. Lever can re- 
port. And when he retired to Cambridge, he sent for me ; 
was careful for me ; and sought by many ways my safety. 
If sir J. B. hath heard by report of others this untrouth, I 
trust your honours will cause him to bring them forth. 
Those to Avhose testimony I referred my life can also de- 
clare, how vain, malicious, and scandalous this report is. I 

D 2 

CHAP, think it too much to be borne of him, except he can prove 


it, considering whereunto this slander tendeth. 

Aano 1563. To the thirteenth and last article I answer, that concern- 
XIH. jjjg ]^jg brother, I never reported any such matter against 
him, as sir John reporteth. Which thing shall evidently 
appear, when the matter cometh to the trial. His brother 
hath entered an action upon the case against me; and I 
have to answer ; viz. there cometh two quarrellers unto me, 
and abused me with words, and gave me the lie thrice. 
Against the one, good abeai-ing is granted, and he is fled 
the country. The other contemned the council of the 
marches letter, till proclamation went forth against him. 
They were both of late Mr. Dr. Pate'r [late bishop of Wor- 
cester's] men: and now be without li> rag or service; earnest 
adversaries to the gospel. They termed by occasion Thomas 
Bourne an honest gentleman. I said, If xvlioredom "were 
honesty^ lie might be honest. And moreover, I said unto 
them, If he and you hear rebellious minds towards the 
queevb's majesty''s proceedings, thereunto, I trust, you shall 
answer another day. This was all I said ; and being ordi- 
nary there, and of the commission for the peace, I sup- 
posed I might use quick words against vice, and sharply 
rebuke such stubborn fellows : and not to be called to an- 
swer such actions of the case, as by procurement of the said 
sir John he hath taken against me. The said Thomas for 
his tumultuous disorder is now attendant before your ho- 
nours, and in his country bound to the good abearing for 
his lewd beliaviour. 

He saith, he is sorry ^or those letters he wrote to me in 
his warmness. He may appear in his long book, made at 
good leisure, and not without learned advice had of his 
friends, how sorry he is, that from undiscreet writing of a 
private letter hath proceeded to slander me most despite- 
fuUy and vmjustly, before the face of so noble a council, 
only upon his malicious mind ; to the intent to put into 
your hands an evil opinion of me. I trust your wisdoms 
will consider, what he will do at home, that dare do thus 


much before your honours. And thus I have truly an- CHAP. 
swered. ^^^^• 

And because sir John hath in this book spotted me with Anno i563. 
many slanderous reports: for which I can have neither 
action upon the case, nor libel of defamation, (as I do 
learn,) the same being exhibited against me before your 
honours : and for that also he hath craftily uttered them in 
his book, not directly affirming them, but adding hearsay, 
or such lik ords thereunto; to the intent to put me with- 
out remedy in law for the same: and also because I do 
suppose he hath delivered copies of the said slanderous and 
untrue book to many of his fautors, or at least shewed it 401 
unto them ; (as I am sure he did shew the copy of his un- 
discreet letter to divers of his friends :) therefore my most 
humble and earnest suit is unto your honours, (and that 
for the better preservation of my credit in that office and 
function wherein the queen's highness hath put me,) that 
it may please your honours at this honourable board openly 
to hear and determine these matters betwixt him and me, 
in such order as shall be thought meet unto your honours : 
lest if they should be otherwise ordered, I shall not seem to 
the world sufficiently purged thereof. From the popish 
deahng with this bishop may be collected the spirit of po- 
pery in those times against the gospel, and especially the 
chief ministers thereof. 

That which followed in this affiiir was, that by order of Bourne 
the council sir John P^ourne was committed to the Mar-^^'"^/"'j^''^j., 
shalsea; and remained six or seven weeks there, as someshaisea. 
punishment for his evil dealing with the bishop. Notwith- 
standing, after this, he received so much favour, upon pre- 
tence of having some great accusations to exhibit against 
the bishop for wronging of the bishopric, that he was al- 
lowed to bring in what complaints he would against him : 
still shewing his rancour of mind was not abated. Accord- 
ingly he with his counsel drew up one paper concerning the 
doings of the bishop of Worcester ; and another long scroll 
of the abuses of the dean and chapter. 



CHAP. First, Concerning the bishops'* doings in prejudice of his 
J___J_ revenues ; as how the queen had delivered unto him in 

Anno 1563. lands and tenements a thousand pounds by the year, to 
Information j^j^i^tain the estate of him and his successors. And, among 

against the _ _ • i • 

bishop for other things, how she had assigned these bishops for their 
ThTb!-"^' habitation and access, four houses, that is, the palace at 
shopric. Worcester, the castle of Hartlebury, the house of the manor 
of Grimley and Hallow, and the manor house of North- 
wike. That the said house of Grimley, built in the third 
year of king Henry VIII. (in which the late archbishop of 
York, [Heath,] and Pates, the late bishop there, kept their 
households, and left the same sufficiently repaired,) this 
present bishop suffered to go down for lack of repairs, and 
took a great quantity of bricks and other stuff, parcel of 
the said house, and made therewith at his palace a washing 
house, necessai-y for the women's laundry. [Sir J. B. is 
ready to interpret any thing to shew his odium against the 
wives of the bishops and clergymen.] And that the bishop 
minded, as it was said and feared, to pull it down, and to 
sell the brick, lead, iron, glass, tile, timber, and pavement 
of it ; which would make a good portion of money. That 
the manor house of Northwike (built in the beginning of 
Henry VII. his reign) he had already pulled down, and 
razed from the bottom of the foundation : and having sold 
the hall, and the most part of the matter and stuff unto his 
friends, making thereof a great piece of money ; with some 
part of the rest had raised at his palace a pretty building, 
which he called his nursery ; to which it was also put, his 
wife being of good fecundity, and a very fruitful woman, 
[flinging again against the bishop's married estate.] And 
402 that for the furniture and finishing of the said nursery, he 
had likewise razed and pulled down a fair long vaulted 
chapel of stone, standing within his said palace. 

That his wife being thus fruitful, he had for one of his 
children procured, in his brother''s name, one lease of the 
parsonage of Flodbury : which benefice was yearly worth 
400 mark, and better ; being one of his own patronage, hav- 


ing a goodly mansion, and a goodly demean: whereof was CHAP, 
wont to be kept great hospitality. It is too long to set down 

the rest of this gentlemanV cavils; as, that another of the Anno 1 563. 
bishop's sons had got a lease of Wharton, another parsonage 
in Lancashire. That at one place the said bishop had sold 
his common woods ; and in another place had offered sales 
of his timber. That he had granted reversions of farms and 
leases, divers of them after forty years and more to come. 
That his officers had moved his copyholders, to take rever- 
sions of their tenements. And lastly, that the bishop's long 
tale to the privy council against him was most untrue and 
vain ; only he confessed his misliking of priests' marriages, 
and especially his, as being a thing that shewed their covet- 
ousness, wantonness, and carelessness to do their office. All 
which, no question, the bishop replied unto, as well as he had 
done to the rest. 

Then followed sir J. B's scroll of the abuses of the dean informa- 
and chapter, and of their wives. As, that the petty canons ^'jj'^jg j„ 
served cures, some two apiece, whereby the quire there was the deau 

T 1 • -1 mi ^^^ chap- 

oftentunes unserved, and the service sung m haste, i hatter, 
the sinmno-men were chosen out of such as had little or no 
skill in music. That divers of them were tailors and crafts- 
men, and served the dean and prebendaries, and had no 
otlier wages. That the pipes of a great pair of organs, 
which cost 200Z. the making, (being one of the solemn in- 
struments of this realm,) were molten into dishes among the 
prebendaries wives ; and the case had made them bedsteads. 
That the silver plate was divided among the prebendaries : 
and likewise that it was intended to divide the copes and or- 
naments; and that they had so done, had not some un- 
married resisted. That divers of the almsmen were lusty, 
and men of wealth, and lay abroad by sufferance. That the 
places of scholars were not always bestowed gratis. That 
the wives of the prebendaries married (their husbands 
keeping no hospitality) sold the grain allotted to their por- 
tions ; not in Worcester market, but at the dearest in the 
best market for the seller. That money appointed to high- 
ways was not bestowed. That the great cloche, or steeple, 

D 4 


CHAP, called the leaden steeple^ which king Henry III. built, and 
^^^^' the charnel house built by that nobleman, Walter de Cau- 

Aniio ] 563. telupo, Sometime bishop of Worcester, and son to the earl 
of Hereford, for reposition and preserving dead men's skulls 
and bones, as a miroir, wherein Christen men should be- 
hold their mortality and frail condition, being two of the 
goodliest monvmients of that part of the realm, (the lead 
whereof was worth 500/.) were lately appointed to be pulled 
down ; the steeple by the dean and chapter, if order to the 
contrary had not come from this honourable board, or her 
majesty, as it was said : the charnel house by the bishop, if 
the dean and chapter had consented. That stock in money 
403 they had little or none, whatsoever need the queen, the 
realm, the church should have : all fines, perquisites, pro- 
fits of corn, &c. being once a year divided between the dean 
and prebendaries, and put into their private purses ; where- 
with they decked their wives so finely for the stuff and sin- 
gular fashion of their garments, as none were so fine and trim 
in that city. Which fashion of habit (as he maliciously and 
jeeringly said) was called the demure and sober habit. And 
as by their habit and apparel you might know the priests'* 
wives, and by their gait in the market and the streets, from 
an hundred other women ; so in the congregation and cathe- 
dral church they were easy to be known, by placing them- 
selves above all other of the most ancient and honest calling 
of the said city, &c. Thus did this virulent popish gentle- 
man detain the queen's most honourable privy council with 
his impertinencies. 
Sir John But in fine, he was adjudged by them to make his sub- 

Bourne's jYiigsion in Writing; to the iniured bishop ; and was left to 

subinissioa " _ •' _ ^ 

so the bi- draw it up himself. Which he did after such a sort, that he 
*'"^' strove still in some things to justify, and in others to excuse 

himself. So that the form of his submission, brought before 
the council, some one of the bishop's friends made several 
exceptions against. As, that in one place of it, by a pro- 
testation he justified himself in those things which the bi- 
shop had charged him with ; and did burden him to be the 
first occasion-giver, and an offerer of injuries and ungentle- 


ncss towards him and his : which seemed rather as a defence cHAP. 
of himself, and an accusation of the bishop, than a sub- ^^^V. 

mission. Wherefore the bishop's friend desired the privy Anno 1 563. 
council, that that protestation might be left out, or other- 
wise reformed, or at least somewhat expounded, by adding 
after the word injuries, these words, as I did then take it. 
Which would, he said, much satisfy the bishop. Further, 
he had not particularly recited all the matters wherewith he 
had charged the bishop. For he had omitted, presumptuous 
giving of arms, dissolute life in youth, preaching against 
the queen's majesty that now is, preaching of unsound and 
erroneous doctrine. He added, (addressing himself to the 
council,) that the bishop had already humbly submitted 
himself to such order as it would please the lords to make ; 
that therefore, if they would direct their honourable letters to 
his lordship, he would gladly accomplish the same. That as 
he was sui-e the bishop was in perfect charity with sir J. B. 
so he knew he would be well contented to shew the same by 
any reasonable ways or means. And therefore he moved 
their lordships to direct their letters to the bishop with the 
submission enclosed ; and to appoint that sir J. B. should 
deliver the same to the bishop. Which he supposed would 
well satisfy the bishop ; and besides be an occasion, that pri- 
vately between themselves they might fully be reconciled. 
And this I suppose was done, and so this discord seemingly 

Sir John Bourne from the Marshalsea wrote this humble 
and submissive letter to secretary Cecil, acknowledging his 
fault, calling himself a naughty zvretch, and terming his late 
dealings towards the bishop of Worcester, his folly and ill 

" Right Honourable, 404 

" I durst not be bold to crave of your goodness and be- His letter 
" nignity, were [it] not your good nature, having indeed ^°^''^*^'^'^^' 
" smally deserved any fruit of it. Yet as you have gra- MSS. Ceci- 
" ciously begun with my poor wife, so for the love of God 
" shew further of the fruit thereof to her comfort, and mine. 
" You may do me good ; and I, a naughty wretch, much 

CHAP, 'f need the same. And therefore, as I am necessitate to crave 

v V Y"V 

"it for relief in this affliction of my poor house, only pro- 

Anno 1563. « cured by my folly and evil behaviour, which I most hum- 
" bly and unfeignedly confess and bewail with all my very 
" heart, so let me not be forced to sue too late for favour. 
" And my sad wife, children, and servants, and we all shall 
" pray for you and yours, to continue and increase in virtue 
*' and honour. 

" Your honour''s woful orator to command, 

" F^«|« ;^he Marshalsea, j^^ Bourne.^' 

Anno 1563. " the -^ J St of April. 

Still vex- But in what terms the bishop stood afterwards with this 

atious to l^night, may be seen by this passage in a letter of his to the 

secretary some years after, that is, anno 1569. " But I 

" have at hand a constant and cruel enemy, who desires 

" nothing more than my destruction. He daily molestetb 

" me, and maketh me weary of mine office. He will, if he 

" can, work my woe. None love him for himself, but for his 

" religion many like him." And the uneasiness in this good 

bishop might hasten his translation to another see ; which 

happened soon after, viz. that of London. 


Some remarks of Coverdale ; Fox ; Parlchurst, bishop of 
Norwich ; and bishop Guest, the queen's almoner. The 
emperor sorites to the queen tn favour of the papists. Dr. 
Richard Marshal subscribes. Sir Francis Englejield. 
The queen'' s spy at Rome. Councils there. State of the 
churches abroad. Council of Trent ends. A godly and 
necessary admonition concerning the decrees of that 

And these are some of the main matters that passed in 
this church hitherto. Now let us take up some other his- 
torical notices falling out about tliis time, relating to some 
other bishops, or eminent fathers of this church. 


Miles Coverdale, formerly bishop of Exeter, (he that with CHAP. 
Tindal and Rogers, since Wicklift', first translated the Bible . 

into English; he that assisted at the consecration of queen Anno i sea. 
Elizabeth's first archbishop of Canterbury, and was one of ^^*]|'^"^*|j^^^^ 
the exiles that returned home upon that queen's happy ac- St. Magnus 
cess to the crown; but had remained without any prefer- ^'^"^'^'"^ 
ment from that time hitherto : the reason whereof was, be- 
cause he could not, or cared not to comply with some cere- 
monies and habits enjoined to churchmen ; which was the 
cause that at the consecration of the archbishop he wore 
only a plain black gown.) This reverend man, being now 
old and poor, the bishop of London committed to his charge 
the church of St. Magnus, at the bridge foot. But the first- 
fruits being 60/. 16s. lOd. oh. he was not able to pay : which 
made him, in the month of January, address a letter to the 
archbishop ; as he did likewise to the bishop of London, 
and to his friends, the lord Robert Dudley, and secretary 
Cecil ; that they, setting his age and his poverty before the 
queen, would prevail with her to forgive him that debt. 
Which favour was at length obtained for him. 

And this year the said father Coverdale went out doctor He goes 
of divinity in one of our universities ; which degree he had j^yipj^y. 
obtained long before in the university of Tubing in Ger- 
many. And the same degree in divinity this same year did 
Barkley, bishop of Bath and Wells, take per grattam. 
Coverdale, after two or three years, deceased (viz. May 20, 
1565,) at the age of eighty-one ; living (as he promised the 
archbishop) quiet, though not coming up probably to the 
uniformity required ; and was buried in St. Bartholomew's 
church behind the Exchange : and these Latin verses wrote 
upon his grave-stone, viz. 

H'lc tandem, requiemquejerensfinemque lahoi-um 
Ossa Coverdcdi viortua tumhus liahet. 

ExonicB qid prcesul erat dignissimus olim, 
Ins'ignis vitcB vir ptrohitate su(Z. 

Octoginta annus grandtevus vixit, et unum, 
Indignuni passus scepius ex'ilium. 

Sic demuvi vartis jactatwa casibus, ista 
Exccpit gremio terra benigna suu. 


CHAP. To this father I join another grave, learned, and painful 
XXXVI. divine, viz. father John Fox, who as yet also was without 

Anno X 563. preferment. He seemed most of all to desire a prebend at 
John Fox. Norwich ; partly, I suppose, that he might be near his friend 
bishop Parkhurst, his fellow exile, and partly, that he might 
be near the duke of Norfolk, his great patron, and whom he 
had once instructed as his preceptor. Therefore attempts 
were made to remove some prebendary thence to other pre- 
ferment, to make way for Fox. Concerning this, he wrote 
to the bishop of Norwich for the remove of one Fowles. 
And of this the bishop wrote these words : " That as 
" touching the prebend, what I with other your friends have 
" done in that behalf, I am sure you have heard. Howbeit 
" the success is not such as we hoped at Mr. Fowle''s hands." 
But he added, " that there was one Mr. Smith in Cam- 
" bridge, that had another prebend ; who, as he heard, 
" could be content to part from it upon reasonable condi- 
" tions."" And to comfort this deserving man, all this while 
vmprovided for, he added, " Good Mr. Fox, appoint you 
" to come down as soon as conveniently you may ; and 
" doubt you not, God will provide for you either that or 
406 " some other thing as good. Whereunto there shall want 
" nothing in me that I am able to do."' But his lot was 
afterwards to obtain a good prebend [viz. Shipton under 
Wichwood] in the church of Sarum, which continued to 
his heirs. 
Duchess of This year the illustrious duke of Norfolk buried his wife 
Norfolk in- '^^ Norwich, I suppose in the cathedral church. The duke's 
council appointed the dean of Chrisfs-church [Sampson] 
to preach at the interment of the duchess. But the bishop 
hearing of it, for doing the greater honour to the duke, sent 
his letter to the council, offering his service in that behalf 
For although, as he said, the other could do much better 
than he, yet he thought it his bounden duty to do all things 
that he might, to God's glory, to do honour to the duke's 
grace. Therefore the dean buried her, and the bishop 
made the sermon Jan. 24. Her burial was very honour- 
able ; and yet without the popish ceremonies of carrying 
lights and crucifixes. Of this the bishop certified Mr. Fox 


by letter, who was related in service to that family; telling CHAP, 
him, after his jocose way, "All things wei-e done honour- ^^^^^- 
" ably, sine crux, sine lux, at noii sine tinkling. There Anno ises. 
" was neither torch, neither taper, candle, nor any light else, 
" beside the light of the sun ; rino-ino; there was enough ;" 
[according to the old custom of ringing the bells at funerals; 
which was now thought to be superstitious.] 

Gesner, that great learned man of Zurich, was minded Gesner 
to publish the ancient ecclesiastical authors from good copies. Eno^Lnd''* 
For which purpose he sent here into England to his acquaint- for MSS. 
ance, the bishop of Norwich, (with whom he became ac- 
quainted, as it seems, in his exile,) a catalogue of books of 
that sort, that search might diligently be made in all our 
best libraries for MS. copies of them. The bishop was very 
diligent in carrying on this good design; and accordingly 
sent to his friends in both universities to search their li- 
braries, and to Fox to search the queen's library. An ac- 
count of what the bishop did in this matter may be seen by 
this extract of his letter to Mr. Fox, conversant in MSS. to 
whom he sent also Gesner's letter. 

" I have sent you here enclosed a letter written to me from Bp. p.ark- 
" D. Gesner, and two catalogues, the one for vou, to search ''""^^^ there- 

, ,. ,. J ^ upon to 

" by that the queen"'s library, accordmg to D. Gesner's re- Fox. 
"quest, and to ask of other learned men concerning the rnu'' ^ ^^^^; 

^ ' » 1 he queen s 

" same. The other, I pray you, send to Mr. Sampson, or^'^rary. 
" Dr. Humphrey, that search may be made in Oxford also. 
" One I have sent to Mr. Beaumont, in Cambridge, [master 
" of Trinity college,] that he may do the like. I would ra- 
" ther be negligent in other things, than in setting forth old 
" ancient writers. And yet, to say the truth to you, I like 
" no old writers worse than Dionysius. The which, al- 
" though he be somewhat ancient, yet I am persuaded, that 
" it was not Areopagita ille de quo Act. 17. I pray you 
" certify me of these things as soon as you may. And if a 
" bloodhound or twayn might be sent to Zuric according 
" to D. Gesner's request, I would rejoice not a little, and 
" would be content to pay for the charge thereof. I write 
" this unto you, because you be so good a hunter, and have 


CHAP. " plenty of clogs. [Fox being now probably with the duke 
^^ " of Norfolk, at his house at Rygate in Surrey.] I pray 

Anno 1563." you, wlieu you have perused D. Gesner''s letters, that you 
" will send them again forthwith to me, that I may make 
407 " answer to the same against the next mart. Commend me 
" to Mrs. Fox, to Mr. Day [the printer] and his ^vife, and 
" thank him for the book of the Relics ofRome^ which he 
" sent me. I will thank Mr. Becon, [the author,] which 
" dedicated the same to my name, another time, if God so 
" will. If you see the bishop of London, the dean of 
" Paul's, Mr. Whitehead, and other of my friends there, I 
'' pray you salute them in my name. 

" Your John Norwic." 
The queen's A lawsuit happened this year between Guest, bishop of 
siesTh" Rochester, and Allyn and Chamberlyn, sheriffs of London. 
sheriffs of The case was this. This bishop was lord almoner to the 
queen. She had, as it seems, allotted for her almoner (ac- 
cording to the custom of former princes) such goods and 
chattels as should be forfeited to her from persons laying 
violent hands upon themselves. There was now a citizen 
that had mortally wounded himself. But before this fact, 
there came into the hands of these sheriffs 330/. ready money 
of this person's; whether he were their prisoner or other- 
wise, I cannot tell. But upon his death the bishop required 
this money of them, which they refusing, claiming it as 
theirs, he sued them, and recovered it for the queen's use. 
In July, the council wrote to the sheriffs for account to be 
made to them of the goods of this person deceased. Where- 
Fabian, foi. unto they gave this answer. " Of the person mentioned in 
'^'^^' " your most honourable letters, before the hurt to hym hap- 

" pened, came to our hands 330Z. in ready mony, which 
" mony the reverend father in God, Edmond, bishop of 
*' Rochester, high almoner to our gracious soveraign lady 
" the queen's most excellent majestic, by reason of his office, 
" received of us, after suit therefore against us made by 
" him ; as by the acquittance of the said almoner for our 
" discharge concerning the same to us made ready to be 
" shewn, (if case i^o require,) may and doth more fully ap- 


" pear. And other or moo goods of his came not to our CHAP. 
" hands, as knoweth the Holy Ghost, &c." I find tlie like ^^^^'^- 
case happening in the year 1489, when one Roger Shave- Anno 1 563. 
lock, citizen of London, slew himself; for whose goods there 
was contest between the king's almoner and the sheriff*. But 
the almoner recovered them. And I read in Dyer's Re- Dyer's Re- 
ports, that king Edward VI. granted the office of almoner 77. 
to Dr. Coxe, durante heneplacito ; and after, by letters pa- 
tents, granted him, in augmentationem eleemosyna su(B, 
omnia bona et catalla felonum de se tarn hifra Uhertates 
quam extra, ioifra regnum AnglicB habend. quamdiu in 
officio predict, steterit. 

Ferdinand, emperor of Germany, wrote this year two The em- 
letters to the queen in behalf of the Roman Catholics, her P*".""" "''"'te^ 
subjects. The one was in behalf of the bishops imprisoned, queen for 
and others professing the same religion as himself did ; that sy|,:e"t"* ' 
she would not prosecute them too rigorously, if they would 
not nor could not with a safe conscience comply with that 
which she and the states of the kingdom had established 
about religion ; that is, in making such liable to be punished 
as traitors, that refused swearing the supremacy. To which 
request of the emperor she gave so grateful an answer, that 
in another letter to her he commended her modesty, gentle- 
ness, and clemency; virtues truly worthy a queen and a4Qg 
princess. In Sept. 24, the same emperor wrote again to 
her, that she would rather favour and cherish her Catholic 
subjects, than to prosecute, banish, or oppress them. He 
requested, moreover, that they might be allowed a church in 
every city, and have the free use there of their religion. Of 
this letter many copies were secretly dispersed. See this 
letter in the second Appendix. p 

As to his first request, the queen in her answer, dated Her answer 
Nov. 3, from Windsor, shewed him, " how favourable she '"3; "1"^ 
" was to her popish subjects in suspending punishment, them 
" though they did that which was very dangerous to the 
" commonwealth, in acting so openly against the laws. And 
" the chief of them such, as in the reigns of her father and 


CHAP. " brother, bv their sermons and writinffs, propounded to 
' ■ , " the people that same doctrine Avhich they did now so much 

Anno 1 563. u oppose. But as to the second, to grant them churches 
" where they should celebrate their own service without 
" impediment, she could not do it, being against the laws of 
" her parliament, and so highly dangerous to the state of 
" her kingdom, and having many difficulties attending it. 
" That it would be to sow various religions in the nation, to 
" distract the minds of honest men, to cherish parties and 
" factions, and to disturb religion and the commonwealth in 
" that present quiet state wherein it was. That it was evil 
" in itself, but worst of all for the example of it, and not 
" very profitable and safe for them for whom this favour 
" was desired. And lastly, that she and her subjects fol- 
" lowed not any new or strange religion, but that very reli- 
" gion which the ancientest fathers did indeed approve and 
" practise." This excellent letter I found among Fox's 
E. Collections. It is preserved in the second Appendix. 

Being entered upon popish matters, I shall mention some- 
thing concerning two eminent persons under queen Mary, 
falling within the compass of this year : the one a church- 
man, and a chief member of her university of Oxford ; and 
the other a statesman, and a chief officer of her court, viz. 
Richard Marshal, D. D. late dean of Christ's-church, and 
sir Francis Englefield, knt. 

Dr. Marshal Dr. Marshal was a violent promoter of the papacy, and 
enemy to all opposers of it in his university, under that 
queen, where he reigned tyrannically. Which was the more 
noted, because under king Edward he seemed as forward 
the other way. He watched narrowly to have catched 
Jewel, when he fled from Oxford. One act that shewed 
the man, was his digging up the body of Peter Martyr's 
wife out of her grave in Christ's-church, where she had 
been some years buried, and casting it into his dunghill. 
This and other doings of his in the former reign made him 
to be the more watched in this. He lurked about in the 
north, and had been with the earl of Cumberland ; but was 


at last taken up, and being brought before the council, he CJHAP. 
was committed to the bishop of London in custody. And / ' ^ 

on St. Thomas day made this formal subscription : Anno i563. 

Ego Richardus Martialis, sacrcR theologice professor. His sub- 
olim ccclesice Oxonien. decafius, ad respondenduyn de wf^'o- ms^ (^eci- 
tio Jidei coram reverendo in Christ, patre, dno Edmundo^^^^- 
Londtnens'i cpiscopo, ex mandato illustrissimorum, clarissi- 409 
moriimque virorum, ac dominorum meoriim, sacrce regice 
majestatis consiliariorum poshdatus, deliheratione matura 
satis habita, paucis hoc rcsponsnm volo ; atque per scriptum 
prcEsens, citjus tenor subsequitur, plane respondeo. 

Articulis omnibus ac singulis, de quibus in synodo Londi- 
nen. an. Dom. 1562, ad tollendam opinionum dissensioncm, 
et Jirmandum in vera religione consensicm, inter reverent- 
diss, patrcs, DD. archiepiscopos, episcoposque utriusque 
provincicB, necnon universum clerum convenit : quibus omni- 
bus articulis sereniss. regina nostra D. Elizabetha Dei gra- 
tia, Jngli(P, Francia, et Hibernice regina, Jidei defensor, 
4'C. regium suum pr&buit assensum : Ego Richardus Mar- 
tialis prcefatus idtro volens consentiensque mea mami sub- 
scripsi. Datum Londini in cedibus reve?'endi in Christ, 
jmtris, D. Edmundi Londinensi episc. superius nominati, 
12*3 calen. Ja7iuarias,Jesto D. ThomcB apostoU. 

Richardus Martialis mea manu scripsi. 

On the back side of this paper is writ by the bishop of 
London's hand, Copie of D. MarshaWs subscriptio7i. To 
which the said Marshal would have given a more public 
testimony by word of mouth in St. PauFs, had not his death 
prevented. For thus a writer in those times tells us : That 
Marshal made a pubhc retractation under king Edward ; vit. Jueiii. 
returned to his vomit under queen Mary ; and under queen 
Elizabeth he played the vagabond : but afterwards was 
taken and examined at London. Then again he changed 
his opinion, and this third time sung another song. And if 
he had lived longer would have again testified it in Paul's 
pulpit. I suppose therefore he died in custody, and not in 



CHAP. Yorkshire, as a late author writes. The other gentleman 
XXXVI. J ^^ going to mention was more steady, viz. 

Anno 1563. Sir Francis Englefield, privy counsellor to queen Mary, 
Ath. Oxon. g^ g^,g^^ ^^^ ^^^1^ }^gj.^ and master of her wards and liveries, 
sir Francis "ot Complying with the change of religion under this queen, 
Engiefieid's in the year 1559 fled abroad with some few others. And 
fisla\^ed.°"' now his lands and goods were seized to the queen's use, for 
his disobedience in not coming home after the queen's revo- 
cation of him, and for consorting with her enemies. Where- 
Wiites to upon, August 18, he wrote the privy council a large letter, 
fJr hhmeif expostulating and apologizing on the account of his con- 
science : " That he was rather an unwilling offender, than a 
" malicious ; and that his cause was not unworthy of their 
" honours' accustomed commendation unto her majesty's 
" clemency. That where he was charged with adhering to 
" her majesty's enemies and rebels, he answered, that he 
" never yet had been in place where any one so shewed 
" himself, nor was so manifested, that he might know him 
" for such. That where he was called once, though not 
" often, and commanded to make a speedy return, he 
" granted he did not perform it. But he prayed them to 
" call to mind of what faith and conscience they had known 
" him always to have been in religion, consonant to that he 
" had been taught and bred up in, and the present orders, 
" proceedings, and laws in England so dissonant and vary- 
410" ing therefrom. Which two laid together did shew how 
" hard a choice was left to him, viz. either in folloAving the 
" laws to wrest and strain his conscience, or by not obeying 
" them to offend his prince. And therefore to shun these 
" two most sharp and grievous, he yielded to embrace a 
" third, and to sequester himself unto a private life in some 
" other place. That his conscience was not made of wax. 
" That many of their lordships had tasted largely of the in- 
" vincible force of conscience, and her untractable nature, 
" on which side soever she take. She might, he said, be 
" crazed and cracked by things infinite that seemed but 
" small : and being once forced to fail in the least, that 
" canker was never curable after. But to change and alter 


she could not be framed by man's power or policy, till CHAP. 
God pleased to draw her, being once firmly fixed. That . " ' " 

" though that little he was threatened to lose could not^»"o i^^'^- 

" draw him presently to the offence of his prince, yet what 

" lack and necessity might hereafter do, he dared not war- 

" rant, nor take on him to sav. He prayed their lordships 

" therefore to be means unto her majesty's clemency for him 

" in this cause ; that he might be spai'ed, as hitherto, to 

" enjoy that small portion of living yet left him. And he 

" bade them to reject his suit, if he sought to find more fa- 

" vour now than heretofore, when his lot served, he was 

" willing to shew, or than by his help others had enjoyed. 

" That if the place or company where he lived did offend, 

" he should be always willing to change the same, and to 

" conform himself to the queen's devotion." This Avas the 

sum of sir Francis's letter. Where we cannot but observe 

his great argument for himself is conscience, (and a very 

good argument indeed,) and so was it commonly urged in 

this i-eign by papists, as we have seen before : and yet in the 

last reign, when it was urged by others, what little regard 

did they give to it themselves ! 

But to let the world see how favourably this gentleman King Philip 
was dealt withal, notwithstanding his complaint, let nie ™° ^^^ fj,^** 
bring in another part of his story, though it happened three favour to 
or four years after; when I find him still in Spain, and "^ 
greatly esteemed by king Philip there : who, in his behalf, 
had moved Man, the English ambassador at that covu't, to 
solicit the queen to allow him the income of his estate, and 
to live abroad where he listed : and so had the Spanish am- 
bassador also here dealt with her for the said Englefield. 
Hereupon the queen commanded her said ambassador in a 
letter wrote to him in the latter end of the year 1567, to Jan. 2.5. 
give her answer to the said king about this matter. Whereby 
it appeared, that sir Francis's servants to that time received 
the rents of his lands, which there was no doubt were dis- 
posed of according to his will ; except some small part of 
the same reserved for the maintenance of the lady Engle- 
field, his wife, upon her petition. And as to his conscience, 

E % 


CHAP, there were many papists then living under the queen in 
England, without any disturbance for their opinion in reli- 

Anno 1563. gion, carrying themselves peaceably under the government ; 

such was the mildness of a protestant ruler. 
The queen's -pov these Were the queen's instructions to the ambassa- 
Papei- dor ; " That she perceived by sundry his letters, and by the 
office. a Spanish ambassador''s frequent treating with her, what 

" earnest means sir Francis Inglefeld used toward the king 
411" there, and others of his council, for the obtaining of her 
" grant, that he might enjoy the profit of his lands, to live 
" thereupon, and contrary to her laws, where he would, in 
" any part of Christendom. In which matter she thought 
" it good, that the king her good brother should under- 
" stand her doings; what mercy and favour she had used 
" towards him ; and how far otherwise she thought surely 
" the king would use any subject of his in such like case. 
" First, how he had been required to repair [home.] That 
" it was well known how he might live here at home, being 
" disposed to quietness, without molestation of his con- 
" science, which the example of her clemency towards a 
" great number, his inferiors, might well teach him. And 
" that yet upon his often refusal to return, though the pro- 
" fits of his lands were stayed by order of her laws, to be 
" answered unto her, yet she never received unto this day, 
" neither did dispose to any other person, any part thereof; 
" saving only that she directed to his wife, upon her lament- 
" able petition, (being an heir, and by whom the said sir 
" Francis had a great portion of living,) a small part to 
*' maintain her, in a meaner degree than belonged to his 
" wife. And the rest of all his living had been, for any 
" thing she knew, disposed by his friends and servants to 
" the use of the said sir Francis, as he appointed. So as, 
" the matter being well considered, he had no cause to com- 
" plain of any thing past. 

" And that seeing her clemency had been such to him, 
*' and yet, as it seemed, he had made complaint of her 
" usage, she trusted the king would forbear to press her 
" any more, or otherwise, in this matter, than he would 



*' have her do, if the like case were for a subject of his. 
*' And this she told her ambassador she would have him 
** declare concerning this matter of sir Francis Inglefeld, to 
" the king her good brother. Whereunto he might add, 
" that if the queen were disposed to give ear to such re- 
*' ports as were made unto her of the misbehaviour of the 
" said sir Francis at sundry times, contrary to his loyalty 
*' and duty, she should, instead of this clemency and lenity, 
*' shew some severity without breach of justice." 

There was a paper, that some way or other fell into the 
lord treasurer Burghley's hands in the year 1574, contain- 
ing a list of English men and women in Spain and the 
Spanish dominions, that were the king of Spain's pen- 
sioners, wrote by this Inglefield, and sent by him to the 
duke of Feria; who, though he had married one Dormer, 
an English woman, and lived in England in queen Mary's 
time, yet hated Elizabeth from the beginning of her reign, 
and had stirred up pope Pius IV. to excommunicate her, 
and the king of Spain to be her enemy. By InglefieWs 
correspondence with such a man, and by being able to draw 
up such a Hst, one may conjecture how well he was ac- 
quainted with queen Elizabeth's traitors ; and that he must 
be little better than the rest himself. This list was as 
followeth : 


Anno 1563. 

list of the 
king of 
Spain's pen- 

Duke of 

Vid. Camd. 
Eliz. sub 
ann. 1560. 


The Countess of Nor- ) 
thumberland - i 
The earl of Westmerland : 
The lord Dacre - - 
The lady Hunger ford 
Sir Francis Englefeld 
Sir Christoph. Nevyl 
Sir John Nevyl - - 
Mr. Dr. Parker - - 
Mr. Rich. Norton 
Mr. Copley - - - 


idedjbr here. 





Mr. Markenfeld - - 
Mr. Tempest - - - 
Mr. Bulmer - - - 

36 MSS. 

. „ Burgh lian 



Mr. Danby - _ - 
Mr. Francis Norton - 



Mr. Thwing - - - 



Mr. Chamberlain - - 



Mr. Ligons - - - 
Mr. Standon - - - 



Mr. Mocket - - - 



Mr. Hugh Owen - - 


E 3 






. Mr. Nolworth - - - 


Persons gone towards Spain 

Anno 1563 

• Mr. George Tyrrel - 


to sue for pensions. 

Mr. Jenney - - - 


My lord Edward Seymour 

Mr. Titchburn - - 


Mr. Southwel 

Mr. Geo. Smith - - 


Mr. Carew 

Mr. Bach - - - - 


Mr. Harecourt 

Mr. Rob. Owen - - 


Mr. Francis Moore 

Not yet granted. 

Mr. Blackstone 

Mr. Powel, priest - - 


Mr. Pridieux 

Mrs. Story, widow 


Mr. Geo. Moore 

Mr. Olyver - - - 

- 8 


Thomas Kinred 

16 dl 

1 John Story. 

Dennum, But the queen and kingdom, notwithstanding the fair 
s''*''initai*' pretences of the fugitives, had cause to be suspicious of 
them ; the popish faction endeavouring to do her mischief 
by her own subjects of that persuasion, which they had 
-with them at hand, to instil into them their dangerous in- 
structions. And she knew well how enraged the pope and 
his church would be at the reformation she had established ; 
and being apprehensive what dangerous devices they would 
meditate against her, she and her secretary made use of a 
diligent man, one E. Dennum, sent over to Italy about 
156^2 or 1563, to send her majesty intelligence of foreign 
conspiracies and contrivances : and having made use of 
money, got several notices of the pope, and what he was 
doino- in his privy cabals and councils. A list whereof he 
sent from Venice, together with a letter to secretary Cecyl, 
April 13, 1564. A copy of this paper fell afterwards into 
the hands of that diligent antiquary, sir James Ware. But 
the original was kept private in the queen's closet, among 
other papers of secrecy. The contents thereof Avere these : 
413 I. That pope Pius had consulted with the clergy of Italy 
Resolutions ^^ ^^^ assembly which he had called ; when it was voted, that 

taken at •' i j i_ • • T • 

Rome a- the immunity of the Roman church, and her jurisdiction, 
Ju'een.^^'^ was required to be defended by all princes, as the principal 
Foxes and church of God. And to encourage the same, that council 

pt. ii. i>. 49. 


voted, that Pius should bestow the queen's realm on that CHAP. 


prince who would attempt to conquer it. 

II. That there was another council ordered by way of Anno 1 563. 
committee; containing three of the cardinals, six of the 
bishops, and as many of the order of the Jesuits, who daily Jesuits. 
now increased, and came in great favour with the pope. 
These did weekly present methods and ways and contri- 
vances for the church of Rome. And these were prepared 
for a great council to be holden afterwards, whose business 
was how to order all things for the advancement of the Ro- 
mish see. Some of these contrivances were as follow : 

First, To offer the queen to confirm the Enghsh liturgy, 
some things being altered; provided she do acknowledge 
the same from Rome. But if denied, then to asperse the 
liturgy of England by all ways and conspiracies imaginable. 

Secondly, A licence or dispensation to be granted to any 
of the Romish orders, to preach, speak, or write against the 
new established church of England ; to be done among pro- 
testants in other parts, on purpose to make England odious 
to them. These persons so licensed and indulged to be 
seemingly as some of them ; and not to be either taxed, 
checked, or excommunicate for so doing. They were also 
to change their names, lest they might be discovered. And 
they were to keep a quaternal correspondence with some of 
the cardinals, archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and others 
of the chief monasteries, abbeys, &c. 

Thirdly, For the preventing of any of these dispensed 
persons from flinching off from them, or falling from this 
correspondence by some good reward, there should be se- 
veral persons appointed to watch the parties so licensed, 
and to give intelligence to Rome of their behaviour. And 
these parties were to be sworn not to divulge to any of the 
persons so licensed or indulged what they were, or from 
whence they came, but to be strange, and to come in as one 
of their converts. 

Fourthly, In case any of the hypocritical ministry of 
England should become as those who had these hcences, it 
was deliberated what was then to be done. The bishop of 

E 4 


CHAP. Mentz answered, that that was the thing they aimed at ; and 
' that they desired no more than a separation among the here- 

Anno 1 563. tics of England ; and the more animosities there were among 
them, there would be the fewer to oppose the mother church 
of Rome, Avhenever opportunity served. 
N.B. Fifthly, A pardon to be granted to any that would 

assault the queen, or to any cook, brewer, baker, vintner, 
physician, grocer, chirurgeon, or of any other calling what- 
soever, that would make her away. And an absolute re- 
mission of sins to the heirs of that party's family, and a per- 
petual annuity to them for ever, and to be of the privy 
council to whomsoever afterwards should reign. 

Sixthly, For the better assurance of further intelligence 
to the see of Rome, licences were to be given to dispense 
with several baptisms, marriages, and other ceremonies of 
the church of England, to possess and enjoy any offices, 
414 either ecclesiastical, military, or civil ; to take such oaths as 
should be imposed upon them, provided that the same oaths 
be taken with a reserve for to serve the mother church of 
Rome, whenever opportunity served. In which case the 
act of council passed, that it was not sin, but meritorious ; 
and that when it so served for Rome*'s advantage, the party 
was absolved from his oath. 

Seventhly, That the Romish orders cherish all adherents 
to the mother church. And whenever occasion served, to 
be in a readiness at the times appointed ; and to contribute 
according to their capacities for the promoting the Romish 

Eiglithly, That the Romish party shall propose a match 
for the queen of one of the catholic princes. 

Ninthly, Excommunication and a perpetual curse to light 
on the families and posterity of all those of the mother 
church, that will not promote or assist, by means of money 
or otherwise, Mary queen of Scotland's pretence to the 
crown of England. 

Tenthly, Every Roman Catholic within England and 
Ireland to contribute to those Romish bishops and parish 
priests, that were privately, or should be, sent over to them ; 


and to pay all the church duties, as if they were in pos- CHAP. 
session : and this upon pain of excommunication to them ' 

and their posterity. ■^°°° \hGz. 

Eleventhly, The sec of Rome to dispense with all parties 
of the Roman faith to swear to all heresies in England, and 
elsewhere. And that not to be a crime against the soul of 
the party ; the accused taking the oath with an intention to 
promote or advance the Roman Catholic faith. 

And all these aforesaid articles were decreed and ordered 
by the pope's council. 

And now let me subjoin the state of the foreign churches The state 
in France, Italy, and Switzerland ; which at this time was churches 
very sad, and the gospellers that lived in those countries abroad, 
were under great apprehensions of extreme calamities to 
befall them, by means of the council of Trent, that studied 
nothing so much as the ruin of the reformed, and the house 
of Guise active with the pope to bring the same to pass. 
Some brief account of this Bullinger gave to John Fox in aMSS.Fox. 
letter from Zurick, writ in March, 1563. Dolemus nos ve- 
hementissime casum florentissimi regni GallifB, quod Gui- 
s'lana dornus sanguinaria^ domus Achab, hoc anno prope- 
modum (quis credidlssct f) evertit ; ac calamitosissima suh- 
inde veremur. Orandtim est ergo Domlnum, ut is nostri 
misereatur, etfratr'ibus in Gallia pacem restituat, ac Iran- 
quillitatcm. Ex Italia nuntiatur, LotMringum cardinalem, 
qui Italiam prcetextu concilii Tridentini adeundi ingressus 
est, commovere ad arma principes ItalicB contra Jideles. 
Consilia et auxilia communicat caput omnis mali Anti- 
christus papa. Molitur mira concilium ipsum Tridenti- 
num. Ut si Deus non dissipaverit cruenta illorum consi- 
lia, sicut Jiactenus fecit, vix absque bello simus hac estate 
futuri. That is, " We do extremely lament the misfortune 
" of the most flourishing kingdom of France, this year well 
" near destroyed (who would have believed it .'*) by the 
" bloody house of Guise, that house of Ahab. And ever 
" and anon we fear worse still. Let us therefore beseech 415 
" God to have mercy on us, and to restore peace and quiet- 
" ness to the brethren in France. The news is from Italy, 


CHAP. " that the cardinal of Loraine, who is entered Italy upon 
XXXVI • • . 

" colour of going to the council of Trent, stirs up the 

Anno 1563." princes of Italy to take arms against the faithful. Anti- 
*' christ the pope, the head of all mischief, contributes his 
" counsels and his aids. The council of Trent itself is con- 
" triving strange things. That if God do not scatter their 
*' bloody purposes, as hitherto he hath done, we shall hardly 
" escape war this summer." And what the same party was 
doing here in England, as well as elsewhere, to undermine 
religion, and to bring in the old rejected superstitions, we 
saw afore : and what odd councils were hatching at Rome 
for that purpose. 
The Trent This popish council, beginning anno 1545, concluded 
council jj^jg pj.gggjjt year 1563, which this state and church of Eng- 
land utterly disowned, and therefore would send no repre- 
sentatives thither ; whereat the papists were angry : which 
one of that party, soon after the conclusion of it, expressed 
in print in a taunting way. For thus we find Dorman tell- 
Confiitat. ing dean Nowell, " That it was fear to be vanquished in 
foi. 428. b. li iI^qIj. lieresies, that they durst not come to the late general 
" Trident council, where they were called ; and that there- 
" fore, like cowardly yeomen, fearing the war, they caused 
" their wives to bind clouts about their heads ; and then 
" their kerchiefs being sick, must need tarry at home for- 
" sooth." To which thus Nowell replied in his own lan- 
guage ; "But who could fear any vanquishing at yovu* coun- 
" cils, who, after so long sitting at Trident, hatched us out 
" such a sort of goodly decrees, worse than addle eggs, as 
" any popish lad meanly learned, sitting under a summer's 
" hedae, mieht in two or three afternoons right well and as 
" well have written, as they are written and set forth by 
" your worthy council. No, sir, your prelates sat not there 
" about conning of articles of religion, or to dispute with 
" heretics to vanquish them. A few lousy friars, whom no 
" man would fear but in his pottage or egg-pie, did serve 
" that turn well enough : and your great prelates devised 
" the while, by that long consultation, how by sword and 
" fire they might most cruelly murder all true Christians, 


" whom thev call heretics; and now do labour to put in CHAP. 


" execution such their bloody devices."" 

Yet to fortify and arm our people against the decrees of Anno ises. 
this council, and that it might have the less regard taken of ;^" H^^'^^^f 
it here in England, there came forth seasonably now a book, crees of the 
entitled, A godly and necessary Admonition of the Decrees ^"^ent! ° 
iind Canons of the Council of Trent, celebrated under Pius 
IV. Bishoj) of Rome, in the years of our Lord 1562 and 
1563. Written for those godly-disposed persons'' saJies, lohich 
look for amendment of doctrine and ceremonies to he made 
by general councils. It was translated out of Latin ; and 
imprinted at London by John Day, dwelling over Alders- 
gate, the 19th of February, 1564 : no name of the author, 
but it seems to be done by archbishop Parker, or his special 
order. The method of the book is to set down the decrees 
in convenient paragraphs, and then to subjoin observations 
and answers to each. Near the beginning, the author writes 
thus, That if we diligently weighed a few words, viz. " that 
" the council must be celebrated according to the form and 
" letters of our holy Iqrd Pius IV.'' we should easily under- 4 16 
stand, that the bishop of Rome, with his council of Trent, 
mocked and dallied with all Christendom. 

But what further our church and kingdom could say, for 
their not coming or sending to that council, and disowning 
it utterly, we may have recourse to a letter of Scipio, an Bishop 
Italian gentleman, wrote to bishop Jewel, formerly his ac- ^^^f^ ^^^^' 
quaintance at Padua, (where Jewel formerly went to study,) Italian, 

^ 1 • 1 1 1 • ] T T concerning 

and the answer which he gave to tlie said Italian. that couu- 

Scipio wondered that the realm of England alone had <^ii- 
sent no ambassador to that general council, summoned by ietfe^to 
the pope for the settling of religion, when all other nations J«^^«i- 
were there assembled : no, nor so much as excused their 
absence by any message or letter; but that we had altered, 
without any council, all the form of the ancient religion : 
the former arguing a proud stubbornness, the other a per- 
nicious schism. That it was a superlative crime to decline 
the pope of Rome's sacred authority, or to withdraw them- 
selves from a council, being by him called to it. That it was 


CHAP, not lawful to debate controversies about religion otherwise 
XXXVI. ([^a^ in such assemblies: since there were the patriarchs, 
Anno 1563. and the bishops, and the learned men of all sorts; and from 
their mouths the truth must be required : that there was 
a light of each church ; and there was the Holy Ghost. 
And that all godly princes still referred any doubt arising 
in God's worship to a public consultation. That Moses, 
Joshua, David, Hezekiah, Josias, and other judges, kings, 
and priests, did not advise concerning the matters of religion, 
but in an assembly of bishops. That Christ's apostles and 
the holy fathers held their councils. And Arius was van- 
quished ; and Eunomius, and Eutyches, and other heretics. 
And by the same means the distractions of the world might 
be composed. 

And how shall the bishop of Sarum answer all this spe- 
cious discourse; as much as could be said surely on this 
point ? It is worth reading the answer he made, which I 
proceed to rehearse from his own epistle to that nobleman. 
Bishop " That it was not for him to take upon him to answer in 
Jewel's a {\^q behalf of the realm of England, by what advice every 
" thing was done, seeing the counsel of kings were secret 
" and hidden; and so ought to be. And yet because of 
" their old and intimate acquaintance, and because he saw 
" Scipio desired it so earnestly, that he should briefly shew 
" what he thought, and doubted not but that it would sa- 
" tisfy him, he proceeded thus : asking him. Why should 
" he wonder, that no ambassadors came from England to 
" that council, since not Englishmen alone come not thither? 
" That he himself, who was a public person, and employed 
" in the affairs of his commonweal, was not present at it. 
'* Why did he not as well wonder, that neither the three 
" patriarchs of Constantinople, Antioch, and Alexandria 
" were there ? nor presbyter John, nor the Grecians, Ar- 
" menians, Persians, Egyptians, Moors, Ethiopians, and 
" Indians came not ? For many of them believed in Christ, 
" had their bishops, and were baptized Christians ; nor had 
4J7"any ambassador come from those parts of the world. 
" Or rather well would he see, that the pope did not call 


" them ; and that his ecclesiastical decrees took not hold of CHAP. 
« them. ^^^^''- 

"That it was more to be wondered at, that the pope Aimo 1563. 
" should call such men to a council, whom he had before 
" condemned of heresy, and openly pronounced excomnmni- 
*' cate, without hearing either them or their plea. The bishop 
" said, he would fain be resolved, whether the pope''s mean- 
" ing were, to advise with them in the council whom he ac- 
" counted heretics, or else that they should plead their 
** cause at the bar; or either change their opinion presently, 
" or out of hand be condemned again. The former was 
*' denied heretofore by Julius III. to those on our side: 
" the other was ridiculous, that the English should come to 
" the council, only to be indicted, and plead for them- 
" selves ; especially before him, who long since was charged 
" with heinous crimes, not only by our side, but also by 
*' their own. 

" Nor did England alone seem thus stubborn : for where 
" were the ambassadors of the kings of Denmark, Sweden, 
" and the princes of Germany, the Switzers, the Grisons, 
" the Hanse towns ; those of the realm of Scotland, and 
" the dukedom of Prussia: nay, the pope himself came 
" not to his own council. And what a pride was it for one 
" man, at his own pleasure, to assemble together all Christian 
" kings, princes, and bishops when he listed, and require 
" them to be at his call, and not to come himself. But per- 
" haps Pius IV. the present pope, might remember what 
*' happened heretofore to John XXII. that came to the 
" council of Constance pope, but returned cardinal. There- 
" fore the popes liad provided for themselves in the rear, 
" and kept home, and had withstood all councils and free 
*' disputes. That above forty years before, when Dr. Mar- 
" tin Luther was cursed with bell, book, and candle, be- 
" cause he had begun to preach the gospel, and to reform 
" religion out of God's word, and had requested that his 
" cause might be referred to a general council, he could 
" have no audience : for pope Leo X. might see well 




Anno 1563. 


" enough, that if the matter should have come to a council, 
" his own state might come in danger. 

" That indeed the name of a general council carried a 
" fair show; so it were assembled as it ought; affection laid 
" aside ; all things referred to the rule of God's word ; the 
" truth only aimed at. But religion and godliness be openly 
" beaten down ; tyranny and ambition established ; if men 
" studied faction, gluttony, lust ; then was nothing more 
" pernicious to the church of God. 

" That this that he had hitherto spoken, was as if that 
" council subsisted somewhere, and were indeed a council, 
*' which he thought absolutely to be none, or surely very 
" obscure. For we could by no means learn what Avas done 
" there : what bishops were met, or rather whether any at 
" all were met. That twenty months ago, when the council 
" was first summoned by pope Pius, the emperor Ferdi- 
" nand much disliked the place ; Trent not being commo- 
" dious enough seated for so many nations, nor able to re- 
" ceive so great a multitude of men as were likely to meet 
*' at a general council : and the same answer was returned 
" from other Christian princes. Therefore that we believed, 
" that all these things, with the council itself, were vanished 
*' away into smoke. 

*' Next, he questioned the power of pope Pius to call a 
" council, more than another bishop. That while the em- 
*' pire flourished, it was the proper right of the emperor of 
" Rome to do it ; but now, since the empire is lessened, 
" and kingdoms by succession share part of the imperial 
" power, that power was communicated to Christian kings 
" and princes. That if the annals were searched, the me- 
" morials of antiquity laid together, the ancientest councils, 
" the Nicene, the Ephesine, &c. were called by the Roman 
" emperors Constantine, Theodosius, &c. And the popes 
" of Rome, when Ruffine had alleged a certain synod 
" against Hierom, he asked. Tell me what emperor caused 
" it to be called ? And accordingly bishop Jewel demanded, 
" what emperor caused the bishops to be called at this time 


to Trent? And that therefore this triumphant council CHAP, 
was not lawfully called. That pope Pius had done no- " ' ^ ' ' . 
thing rightly or orderly. And that in so saying, no man Anno ises. 
could justly find fault with our absence. 
" Then he went on to mention the wrongs the popes of 
Rome had done us. That they had, as often as they 
pleased, armed our people against their sovereign ; pulled 
the sceptre out of our kings' hands, and the crowns from 
their heads. They would have the kingdom to be theirs, 
and held in their name. That of late years they stirred 
up against us sometimes the French, sometimes the em- 
peror. That it was needless to rehearse what the inten- 
tion of Pius himself had been towards us : what he had 
done ; what he had spoken ; what he had practised ; what 
he had threatened : nor by what course he made himself 
pope : by corrupting of cardinals ; buying of voices ; un- 
dermininas, and ambushes : that he cast cardinal Carotta 
into prison, and there murdered him. And did he 
[Scipio] wonder that we came not to a man of blood, that 
purchased voices, that denied to pay his debts ; to a si- 
moniacal person; to an heretic? That it was not the 
part of a wise man wilfully to run into a place infected ; 
nor to consult of religion with the enemies of religion. 
" That it was fit, that councils should be free ; and that 
every man may be present that will. That in the Nicene, 
Ephesine, &c. councils, princes then were not called to- 
gether in such a slavish manner, that if any one of them 
stayed at home, or had not sent ambassadors to the coun- 
cil, presently every eye was upon him, every finger point- 
ing at him. That the popes in those times were so pa- 
tient, as not to condemn them of contumacy. That this 
tyranny of popes was not yet grown up. That it was law- 
ful then for holy bishops and fathers, as it stood with 
their convenience, to stay at home without prejudice. 
That Athanasius the bishop, though the emperor sum- 
moned him to the council at Caesarea, yet would not 
come : and in the Syrmian council, when he saw the 
Arians were like to prevail, presently withdrew himself. 


CHAP. " and went his ways. Chrysostom came not to the Arian 
XXXVI. a council, though the emperor called him, both by letter 

Anno 1563." and message. That the bishops that met in a council at 

419" Constantinople, being called to a council at Rome, re- 

" fused to come : and their excuse was, that they were to 

*' intend the charge and reformation of their own churches. 

" What if our bishops, adjded Jewel, gave now the same 
" answer : that they could spare no time from their own sa- 
" cred function : that they were wholly employed in setting 
" up again their own churches : that they could not be ab- 
" sent five, six, seven years; especially there, where they 
" should be able to do no good. For that our bishops were 
" not so idle as those at Rome, that frolicked it in their pa- 
" laces, danced attendance upon their cardinals, and hunted 
" after livings. That our churches were so miserably wasted 
" and ruined by them, that they could not be repaired in a 
*' small time, or with ordinary diligence. 

" That the pope did indeed but make a show of a coun- 
" cil, and meant it not : and that he did nothing sincerely 
" or truly. That that see was wholly supported by mere 
" hypocrisy : which the less natural strength it had, so 
" much the more colour it needed. That if the pope 
" thought a general council so effectual for removing of 
*' schisms, why did they defer a thing so necessary so long ? 
" Why did they sit quiet thirty years together, and suf- 
" fered Luther''s doctrine to take root.'' Why did they as- 
" semble the Trent council with such reluctancy and un- 
" willingness ? more by the instigation of Charles the em- 
" peror, than of their own accord ; and that they had been 
" at Trent well nigh ten years, and had done just nothing. 
" That the popes in truth were not in hand to keep a so- 
" lemn council, or to restore religion, which they made a 
" mock of: that which they intended, and sought, and la- 
" boured for, was to elude the minds of godly men, and 
" the whole world, with a pompous expectation of a general 
" council. 

" That they saw their wealth had been now a pretty 
" while sinking ; that their tricks did not find the same 


"credit now as heretofore; that an incredible number of CHAP. 

" men did every day fall from them; that men did not now ^^X^^- 

" run to Rome in such troops; that there was not nowa- Anno 1563. 

" days so high an estimation, or so dear a price for in- 

" dulgences, blessings, absolutions, and empty bulls : that 

" their mart of ceremonies and masses were slighted : that 

" a great part of their tyranny and pomp was shrunk ; 

" that their revenues were slenderer than they were wont 

" to be : that they and theirs were laughed at every where, 

" even by very children : that their whole rest lay now at 

" stake : that this was the force of God's word ; this the Gods word. 

" power of the gospel ; these the weapons by which was 

" overthrown every fortification raised against the know- 

" ledge of God : and this doctrine should be preached 

" through the whole world, in despite of them all. 

" The merit-mongers'' shops waxed cold now at Rome : 
" their wares, as if Porsenna's goods were put to sale, were 
*' very low prized, and yet could scarce find a chapman. 
" The indulgence-broker trussed up and down, and found The decay 
" no fools. Thence grew their grief; and this vexed the "'^ P^^^"^^* 
" pope. They saw that this so great light broke forth from 
" one spark. What was it like to do now, when so many 
" fires were kindled in all places of the world ; and so many 
" kings and princes acknowledged and professed the gospel? 
" And therefore councils were summoned, the abbots and 
" bishops called to make a party. For this they thought 4 20 
" the cunningest plot to spin out the time for some years, ^^1'^^.''^*'^" 
" to hold men's minds in suspense with expectation ; and council. 
" many things, as it useth, might fall out in the mean time. 
" Some wars might be raised : one of these princes might 

" die, &c.: men's minds might wax cool That nowadays 

" the intent or scope of councils is not to discover truth, or 

" to confute falsehood. But this hath been the only endea- 

" vour of popery ; to establish the Roman tyranny ; to set 

" wars on foot; to set Christian princes together by the 

" ears ; to raise money, sometimes for the Holy Land, some- Monies 

" times for the building of St. Peter's church, sometimes ^^y''' ''"'^ 

" for other uses, I know not what, or rather abuses all : 



CHAP. " which money was to be cast into some few bellies in glut- 
' " tony and lust, &c 

Anno 1563. « That the abbots and bishops, upon whose fidelity, learn- 
IndSops" ^"g' ^^^ judgment the weight of this whole council, the 
of the " discussing of qviestions must lie and rest, they were in- 
" deed grave persons, and had fair titles ; but take from 
" them these titles, the persons they bear, and their trap- 
" pings, and there would nothing that belonged to an abbot 
" or bishops remain in them : for they were not ministers of 
" Christ, dispensers of the mysteries of God ; applied not 
" themselves to reading, nor to preach the gospel, nor to 
" feed the flock .... but entangled themselves in secular 
" businesses. They hid the Lord's treasure: they took away 
" the keys of the kingdom of God ; they went not in them- 
" selves, nor suffered others. They slept, snorted, feasted, 
" and rioted : clouds without water, stars without light. 
" That they would not hear any of oiu* men speak. 
The ambas- « That in the last convention of the council of Trent, ten 
the^princes " years before this, the ambassadors of the princes and free 
of Germany « j,jjjgg ^^f Germany came thither with a purpose to be 
council. " heard, but were absolutely refused : for the bishops and 
♦' abbots answered, that they would not suffer their cause 
" to have a free hearing, nor suffer controversies to be dis- 
" cussed out of the word of God. And that our men were 
" not to be heard at all, except they would recant : which if 
" they refused to do, they should come into the council 
" upon none other condition, but to the sentence of con- 
" demnation pronounced against them. For that Julius III. 
" in his bull of indiction of the council, declared plainly, 
" that either they should change their opinions, or else be 
" condemned for heretics, before they were heard : and that 
" Pius IV. that had now a purpose to reassemble the coun- 
" cil, had already prejudged for hei-etics all those who had 
Heretics : « j^f^ jj-jg Roman church, (that is to say, the greatest part 
" of the Christian world,) before they were ever seen or 
" heard. That they said, and said it often, that already all 
" was well with them ; and that they would not alter one 
"jot of their doctrine or religion. Was this, said the 


'* writer, to restore the church to her integrity? Was this CHAP. 
" to seek the truth ? Was this the hberty and moderation _1____L 

" of councils ? Anno 1563. 

" Further, that whereas the world complained of the Papal pride 
" papal pride and tyranny, and believed that nothing could ^"^'^i^^" 
" be amended in the church of God until he [the pope] 
*' were reduced into order; yet all things were referred 421 
" unto him, as unto a most conscientious peacemaker and The pope, 
"judge. He [Jewel] would not call him an enemy to the 
*' truth, ambitious, covetous, proud, intolerable ever to his 
" own followers: that they would make him a judge of all 
*' religion, who avouched, that he could make injustice to 
*' be justice, and Avho commanded all his determinations to 
" be of equal value with those of St. Peter himself: and 
*' that he said, in case he carried a thousand souls with 
" himself to hell, yet no man ought to reprehend him for 
" it : and whom some of his own followers, viz. Joachimus 
" Abbas, Petrarch, Marsilius Patavinus, Laurentius Valla, 
" &c. did clearly pronounce to be the Antichrist : that all Antichrist. 
" was referred to the judgment of this man alone. So that 
" the same man is the party arraigned, and the judge : the 
*' accusers were heard from an inferior place, and the party 
" accused sat in his tribunal, and pronounced the sentence 
*' concerning himself. 

" And that therefore Scipio at length (as the bishop ap- 
" plying to him concluded) seeing all things were most un- 
*' justly handled, nothing sincerely and fairly carried in 
" council, he needed not wonder, that our men had rather 
" tarry at home, than take so long and so idle a journey; in 
" which they should both lose their labour, and betray their 
*' cause."" 

And whereas he had said, " It was not lawful to make 
*' any change in religion without order from the pope and 
*' council ;" the bishop replied largely to that. As, " That 
" the state of God's church was most miserable, if there 
*' being so many errors, so generally spread, so gross, 
" so blind, so foul, and so perspicuous, and yet nothing 
" covild be done without the whole world should meet in a 


r HAP. " general council: the exyxictation whereof was very uncer- 
XXXVI. <4 ^^^^ ^j^j ^j^j, event much more. That, as for our part. 

Anno 1563. " we did not fear and fly, but desire and wibh for a council, 
A ire". a ^^ j^ ^g^e free, ingenuous, Christian ; so that men did 

c/juncil re- , ,. , i 11 i 1, • i_ 

qaired. " meet as the apostles did ; so that abbots and btshops were 
" freed from their oath, by which they were >x>und to the 
*' pope ; and our men modestly and freely heard, and not 
" condemned lx.^fore they were heard ; and one man might 
" not have pf;wer Ut overthrow whats^jever was done. But 
" seeing it was impossible, as the times then were, that this 
<' should be obtained, we, said the bishop, thought fit to 

" provide for our churches by a national council 

*' And that for themselves they had done nothing, but \»'ith 

Th.; re- «' very gfxxl reason ; and what they saw to l>e lawful, and 

[aXny"' " ^^ ^^"-'^ ^^'" practised by the fathers of the primitive 

done. a church, without any repreheasion at all. That therefore 

<' they had called a full synod of bishops ; and by consent 

" of all sorts purged this church of tho.%e excrements, which 

" either the negligence or the maUce of men had brought in. 

" That they had restored all things, as much as possibly 

" they could, U> the ancient purity of the apostolical times, 

*' and to the similitude of the primitive church. And this, 

*' he added, was justly in their power to do : and because 

" thev could do it, they did it boldly.'' 

And much more excellent matter of our reformation, and 
in vindication thereof, did this learned bishop's letter con- 
422 tain. Which is deservedly preserved at the end of father 
Paul's history of that council ; printed in English at Lon- 
don : worthy every protestant's dihgent perusal 



l%e kingdom, amd church zindicated ag-airt^t Osorius, a 
popiah writer. Dr. Haddon xcriU-i in ansTcer to hirn ; 
and *o doth Jcj^m For. Owriit^ printed in En^ifih : and 
Mu9cidm Comrnon Placai. The Bible and at}i>er church 
hof^pvJMiked in Welsh. Some misceUaneoui maUerfi. A 
strange f^^cf of joy. The queen at Windsor this tcinter 
readi much. 

X HIS rear came fortb a state4xx>k ; being a necessarr Ann© iscs. 
quarrel of tins cfamr^ and deftaice of thif? country, writ in Dr-Haadwn 
answer to Hjer miiiHig Osonus, a Portuguese, -who the lastoBDn^s 
year priitidbed a maiirinnB Hid agaimt Engianrij amd tfae re- ^^'^^^^ 
fonnttionaf refi^onheiK^W war of letter t9 tlie queen; in- 
teodmg to persuade her to return to tfae Roman catbolk^th, 
{ff Hfft^ Wff* mpwti^MK^ti aInpgMi Y IlieaiKWieTer, frbo seemstD 
be pbciied i^pon £ar dm woHe bv secretary Cecil, was Dr. Wal- 
ter H^^Mffff j mawrtgr (^ requests to the queen, a man tA gr^at 
skSataeBm leaantao^ and expeneaee c£ the Etate and aH^irs 
of due »»arinwj and vidial bad anexedkntCioeramanstjle: 
to be even with die said OBOcins, vfaote Latin -was die onij 
^kmg tbat leoaanneBded bis book. But Mb treatment of tfae 
<pieea, and ber kingdom and people, was so rude and un- 
.cmi, and bis ar g uaa ents bo weak and tinAitaA^ that the Faid 
Haddon gave this dioct cbaracter of him, " That he iras aosedv^e 
** most p>errerse, oT t r diwatt iHawier, vho, besides a oom-' 
^ mendable fadlitT in tbe Ladn tongue, ooold profit die 
** public aarhing at alL^ 

Haddon framed his answer in a l^ter to him, entitled, 
Gt^iZ. HaddoRiu Hieronymo Osorvo LmtHamo S.D. Therein 
assmem^ ail the trite tA^feebtms ci payitts, tben tossed up 
and down agaiiKt tbe late pm ce edin gs of England, and 
deana^ tbe cteps tbat were taken by the queai and her 
oonndl and pariianient. And tberelbre very well worthy to 
have some aoooimt given of it in ibis place ; having besi 
draws up by great deliberation, aaad oreriodced by tbe se- 
cretary and ar Thorns Smith; and serving for a public 
voidicaiicMi ci this nation: the like to which I know none 





Anno 1563, 

Some ac- 
count of 



as yet set forth, except bishop JewelFs Apology the last 
year. This choice letter remaineth among Haddon"'s Lucu- 
brations, published in the year 1567: but being out of the 
hands of most, and in Latin, I will give some brief account 
of it. 

He told Osorius, the reason he wrote this letter to him 
was, to correct (yet without offence or bitter difference) his 
mistake of the state of England, taken up from false sur- 
mises and reports, and to rectify the opinions of others, 
which perhaps his writings had prejudiced. That whereas 
Osorius had ascribed the public decrees, made for reforming 
religion, to a great many uncertain obscure men, and ex- 
cluded the queen from this ti'ansaction, it was to be attri- 
buted either to his dissimulation, or his ignorance of our 
customs. For the custom of England is, that no laws are 
made, to which the whole state is obliged to submit and 
obey, but by the assent and consent of the common people, 
the nobility, together with the approbation of the prelates 
of the church, and the command of the prince. Therefore, 
if any thing else had been told him, it was a lie in the au- 
thor of it, and in him too much credulity. 

He observed, how Osorius began with a terrible com- 
plaint, that a multitude of men, he knew not who, had 
esti'anged themselves from the truth of apostolical religion, 
and had brought in a new one, unkno^vn before, but boast- 
ing much of pleasure and liberty : but that in truth that 
religion was most pestilent, and abounded with floods of in- 
numerable evils. Then he assaulted the authors of this new 
reliffion: against whom he thundered out thick and horrible 
flames of reproaches, and that nothing could be thought 
more detestable than they. Then he roared out against the 
rehgion itself; that it was to be accursed, avoided, abhorred: 
and that the authors of it were murderers, sorcerers, over- 
throwers of commonwealths, enemies of mankind. But to 
this, Haddon challenged him to come to particvilars, and to 
shew who these were, and wherein this religion came to 
have such a character. That for his part, he could not but 
lift up his hands to Almighty God, most heartily thanking 


him, that he had dispersed the deep darkness of the former CHAP. 


times by the sunshine of the gospel. By the want of the . " 

knowledge whereof first, and afterwards the trusting in su-"^""" i^^"^- 
perstitions, we wallowed securely in the sink of sin ; be- 
lieving that, whatsoever wickedness we had done, to have it 
pardoned by the lead of the pope"'s bulls, and by muttering 
over of prayers not understood. But the authority of the 
holy scriptures at length sounded in our ears, and so terri- 
fied our consciences, that, laying aside and casting away the 
inventions of men, we took refuge in the free mercy of God 
only ; in like manner attending to that which was com- 
manded by the prophet, to conform our manners to hohness 
and rigfhteousness. 

And whereas, in a long address to her majesty, Osorius 
advised, that she and all princes should provide and take 
care they were not dethroned by this new and hitherto un- 
known sect ; Haddon shewed how she flourished in all pro- 
sperity, loving her subjects, and being beloved by them, and 
not perceiving the least air of those tumults vainly prophe- 
sied of by him. It is true, there had been some danger of 
a French tempest ; but that was now pacified : and whence 
it first blew, it was easy to tell. [He means, not from the 
professors of religion, but from the Guisians, a bigoted 
popish faction.] 

Then Osorius mentioneth a sort of men lately come in, 
who were to purge the church from all the dregs of the 
errors of the schools, and to reduce it again to the sincerity 
of the institution of the apostles, and to represent to the 
Christian world the truth founded in the gospel of Christ, 
long since oppressed by gain and ambition : that the glory 
of God, obscured by the dreams of men, might be ad- 
vanced by the clear and broad light of the holy scriptures. 424 
These men, whom he had thus scoffingly described, some- 
times he makes sport with, sometimes shews his stomach 
against, and sometimes declaims and exclaims upon them : 
and this new sect was the enemies, which (as pests of this 
realm) he would have cut off from the queen's majesty, and 
cast away. But Haddon, on the other side, esteemed these 

V 4 

CHAP, professors of the gospel to be the servants of God, sent 

WWII o J. 

;_ from heaven to us, to awake us out of our sloth in these 

Anno 1563. dangerous times of the declining world; that these men 
quickened our lingering, refuted our errors, and rebuked 
our impieties : and then biddeth Osorius see how wide his 
opinion of these men was from his. 

Onr reform- But now Osorius begins to take the persons of the chiefest 
reformers to task ; and asketh, if they were more perfect in 
all the praise of piety, than Athanasius, Basil, Ambrose, 
Hierom, and Augustin. Haddon replied, that these re- 
formers, many of them, were of excellent learning and most 
blameless manners. But, not to make odious comparisons 
between worthy men, he asserted, in behalf of these modern 
doctors, that they did conspire with those venerable fathers, 
that they went the same way with them, and delivered the 
same sum of religion as they did : and if so, comparison be- 
tween persons that agree was idle ; if not, he bade Osorius 
shew wherein they differed. That Augustin complained, 
that in his time they were overwhelmed with floods of cere- 
monies, that the condition of Christians was almost worse 
than that of the Jews. Hierom wished the holy scriptures 
(which from the Romanists' churches were wholly thro\vn 
off and hidden) might be learned by women and children. 
Basil employed all his leisure in learning himself, and teach- 
ing others, the holy business of divinity : and if monks had 
lived according to Basil's institutions, not a man had touched 
them so much as with their finger. That Athanasius's creed 
had a just veneration, nor was there any question between 
hirA and us. But Osorius had only named these ancient fa- 
thers barely, and no more. 

Luther. He passed on to reprove our later reformers : beginning 

with Luther ; whose ghost he tore with evil speeches, re- 
proaching him for a bold, for a popular, nay, for a mad- 
man. That man of God, said Haddon, whom you thus 
miscal, rendered a sound and sober account of his faith in 
an august assembly before the emperor Charles ; that mad- 
man stood safe against the wisest patrons of your church 
thirty years, however they raged against his safety. 


As for Martin Bucer and Peter Martyr, they, by the CHAP, 
great goodness of God to this island, were brought over hi- 

ther. Let all their enemies lay their heads together; and Anno 1 563. 
then let us see what envy itself can lay to their charge, as J^^^'j.^^'^^^"'^ 
to the lives of those reverend fathers. O golden pair of 
aged men, of most happy memory ! Whose books by them 
made were the witnesses of their doctrine. And had as 
many approvers of their manners, as they had men that 
lived with them and knew them. 

Then Osorius skippeth to our doctrine. And therein he Our doc- 
disapproveth of our urging the holy scriptures only ; and "°^' 
that we admitted only the holy scriptures to be our counsel, 
rejecting all human authors. If it were so, said Haddon, 
we should in that but follow the practice of our Lord Jesus 425 
Christ, the custom of the apostles, and of the ancient fathers 
in the first times of the church. But it was otherwise: 
for we made use of the opinions of the approved inter- 
preters of all times, as our books testify, which openly con- 
futed this calumny of his. 

Next, Osorius played with our perfection, which some of 
ours, as he gave out, boasted of in their hves; and yet he 
said they were convinced of wicked deeds daily. But Had- 
don said. It was false that they arrogated any thing to them- 
selves above the condition of human nature : and it was a 
slander to defame their conversations. 

He found great fault, that such companies of virgins and aionks and 
monks, shut up to celebrate the glory of God, and defend """'• 
the chastity of their bodies, were sent forth by us, and ex- 
posed to lusts and all hcentiousness of life : and their houses 
disposed of for gain ; and that laws were made that religion 
should not hinder lust. Haddon freely confessed those dens 
of wickedness were demolished by the good advices of some 
among us. Into which places tender maids were thrust, and 
poor boys, with so great a violation of manners, as his mo- 
desty would not suffer him to declare. That those work- 
shops of wickedness had almost nothing else hut pharisaical 
daily prayers in an unknown tongue ; the rest of the things 
performed there within might be resembled to the old bac- 


CHAP, chanalia of Rome. And that therefore God had stirred up 
the minds of our people, who piously advised, that such 

■A^nuo 1 ^^"3- numerous companies skulking in most corrupt corners 
should be called out from vices to virtue, from copulations 
not fit to be spoken, to honest wedlock : and the houses 
were disposed to the use of schools, universities, hospitals. 
And it was provided by laws that the sows should not again 
wallow in such filthy mire. This, he added, was a great and 
extraordinary favour of God ; whereby more were drawn 
out of the dark kingdom of the Devil, than by all the little 
constitutions of the popish church heaped together. 

Images and Qsorius then lamented the taking away of images and 
pictures, and such like monuments, out of the churches ; 
which being gone, there remained nothing whereby the 
mind might be raised to the meditation of divine things. 
But, replied Haddon, our nation, remembering the blind- 
ness of the late times, was much afraid of the phrensies of 
idolatry : against which there was an express command of 
God. And the gospel bade us take heed of idols. But though 
this fear were not, yet the doctrine of our Lord Jesus Christ 
ought to have the highest authority among Christian men : 
whereby it was pronounced that God is a spirit ; and they 
observe the right manner of praying to him, who worship 
him in spirit and in truth ; and that God the Father 
sought such worshippers. And that this was the safe man- 
ner of praying, if we weighed whence it came, [i. e. from 
the inward man,] and whither it ought to return, [i. e. to 
Almio-hty God alone.] Nor did prayer want the help of 
outward things, by which it might ascend to the throne of 
God. Yea, that our outward man while it was too much 
busied in these shadows of holy things, the inward sense of 
the mind grew cold ; and taking in the unwholesome nutri- 
ment of a too gaudy religion, lost the true fruit of celestial 
meditation. He said moreover, that the ancient church of 
426 the apostles and martyrs had nothing of these monuments ; 
but in the declining of sincere religion, pictures by little 
and little crept in ; and that former heat of religion glow- 
ing in men's minds grew languid ; and at last a degenerate 


school-divinity, deformed with superstition, came in: and CHAP. 

presently all was stuffed with pictures and images : and that _J '_ 

outward veneration of them, when in all places it increased, Anno i563. 
the inward worship of God fell off. 

Osorius goes on, and writes, that in short all sacred Ceremonies 

° . - , ^ r ^f d sacra- 

thmgs, ceremonies and sacraments, were overthrown trom merits, 
the foundation by us. Haddon smartly answered. This was 
too impudent an hyperbole: and proceeded to shew how 
false this imputation was, by giving account briefly of the 
divine worship and observance of rites in this nation. And 
first, because faith came by hearing, we had teachers of the 
holy scriptures sent forth to all the borders of our country 
to instruct the common people in all the offices of piety, 
and to teach them the true worship of God. Then we had 
a public form of prayer, collected out of the scriptures; 
strengthened by authority of parliament, (so we call the 
consent of the three estates of this realm,) whence we did 
not suffer any to depart, providing in both as well as we 
could, that the command of the Holy Ghost be obeyed, 
that saith, That he that speaketh in the church should use 
the words of God in it ; and then, that all agree in one 
Further, that we took care that tlie sacraments were, as 
near as might be, administered according to the precept of 
holy scripture, and the example of the ancient church, as our 
Lord Jesus Christ himself with his apostle instituted them. 
That all these things were propounded in our own tongue : 
because it would be a great madness to blatter out that be- 
fore God which one knows not what it is : and which op- 
posed manifestly that wholesome doctrine of St. Paul, with 
all the ancient examples of apostolical churches. Further- 
more, that we performed the imposition of hands, the cele- 
bration of wedlock, the bringing of women lately delivered 
of child to church, the visitation of the sick, the burial of 
the dead, with solemn and public offices, composed accord- 
ino- to the truth of scripture. And to these we added so 
much of ceremony, that all things were done in the church 
conveniently and in order, as we knew we were admonished 
to do. That of times, places, days, and other circumstances. 

CHAP, there was in effect no change made with us. Nor in the 

^r -v" Y \ 7 T I 

■ whole of our reUgion was there any thing new, unless what 

Anno 1563. before had either evident absurdity or express impiety. So 
that [whatsoever the other had most rashly and falsely af- 
firmed] our church was not spoiled, neither of holy things, 
nor sacraments, nor ceremonies ; but in every kind so much 
was kept, that he would treat us too injuriously, who should 
slanderously give out, that there was nothing of these re- 
mained, when nothing of them was wanting, needful to the 
true worship of God. 

The pope. Another charge of Osorius upon us was, that Ave had 
skaken off the yoke of the pope. True, said Haddon ; for 
it was too heavy for us or our fathers to bear. Nor did we 
acknowledge any superior bishop, unless our Lord Jesus 
Christ, to whom the holy scripture assigned this peculiar 
honour. Nor did we rend Christ's coat, as Osorius had said ; 
but we only picked a hole in the Roman bishop's cloak. 
427 Neither opened we a way to sedition by casting off the 
pope, as he had said, but we shut up the way that led down 
to the greatest perverseness of manners, by the means of 
his licentious leaden bulls. 

Manners of Osorius then fell upou the manners of the people ofKns- 

the people . . . . Jr c u is 

of England, land^ rcproved their pride, their impudence ; to which he 
joined their robberies, conspiracies, and all manner of wick- 
edness. And that the former wholesome discipline was wont 
to correct men's manners ; but that in our times was gone, 
and therefore that divinity that was void of good fruit 
ought to be rejected. But Haddon answered, that this was 
false which he had taken up concerning the perverseness of 
our people. And were it true, he covild never make out 
what he collected thence. Tares had always been mixed 
with the harvest. He led Osorius home to his own church, 
and demanded of him, if they of his communion were not 
guilty of sins enough. And that therefore he might throw 
away his argument ; whicli was either of no force, or was of 
equal force against him and his own church : nay, of more 
force : for if our people were to be compared with theirs, or 
our doctrine with theirs, we were ready to make the compa- 


rison as soon as he would. That as for our doctrine, he CHAP. 
might most truly defend it to be the same with the apostles^ 

derived from the gospel itself. He required Osorius to Anno 1 563. 
shew him his church, and desired this might be the contro- 
versy between them, whether church was nearer to the 
apostles in sincerity of manners and truth of doctrine ? And 
if he would accept of this challenge, he would presently 
join issue with him. 

Then Osorius falls to exclaiming against our gospel, ut-^ur gospel 

1 • 1 -r. TT 1 1 1 1 derided by 

termg all manner of evil speakmg here. But Haddon bade osorius. 
him roar as much as he would or could, yet he should ne- 
ver effect it, but that the truth of the ancient and pure gos- 
pel would be preached to all by us. And that when we 
should come to stand before the dreadful tribunal of Christ 
the judge, and an account required of our faith, it would 
not be out of the decrees and decretals which Osorius so 
vehemently embraced, nor out of the Julians and Bonifa- 
cians, in whose authority their people acquiesced ; but out 
of this very gospel which he had so pleasantly derided ; 
the gospel, which their church had buried so long, but 
was restored publicly from heaven by the intervention of 
some of our pious and learned men. He shewed further, 
how the people of Osorius's church had, instead of the 
gospel, some sermons preached by friars, who made decla- 
mations to the people after their manner at certain times, 
and at all other times were silent. And for the most part 
they used such tedious and trite forms of exhortations, 
as might invite the auditors to sleep, rather than regard 
what was said. In the holy things and the sacraments the 
people enjoyed their ease ; nothing for them to do, and the 
priests performed the whole business by themselves in an 
unknown tongue. They went to mass, wherein they would 
have the very substance of religion placed : the priests in- 
deed were very busy, but the people had no part therein but 
to look on. Nor did the gospel in the mean time come in 
to trouble them, and all exhortations out of it were wholly 
silent. Once perhaps in a year they went to the Lord's 
table, more in solemn ceremony than in a contrite heart. 


CHAP. Nor was that done which the institution of our Lord Jesus 
XXXVII. (^i^rig^ required, that his death be shewed forth until he 


Anno 1563. came. Again, how much soever the people defiled them- 
428 selves with sins, there was no public medicine of souls ap- 
plied. They transacted all privately by whispers in the 
priests ears: and if the impiety were of a greater size, it 
was redeemed by lead, [i. e. the pope's bull.] 

Such a various, manifold, and vast provision of ceremo- 
nies, that a greater outward pleasure of the senses could 
scarce be invented, while the amending the inward temper 
of the mind was little or nothing at all. And this was their 

Our divine Then Haddou went on to shew what our divine service 
who professed the gospel was. First, there were among us 
constant sermons grounded upon the gospel : the authority 
whereof either brake the stubbornness of sin by the terrors 
of the law, or allured to virtue by the greatness of the pro- 
mises. And in case any men neglected or cared not for 
these spiritual things, the magistrates caused them to be pre- 
sent at the holy services ; wherein they heard not so much 
the interpretations of men, as openly perceived God and 
Christ sometimes thundering out threatenings against their 
sins, and sometimes offering their treasures of mercy. These 
recitations of the prayers were accompanied with variety of 
psalms, hymns, and lessons out of the books of both Testa- 
ments. So that he must needs be a most unhappy man, 
that could reap no private benefit to himself, when the 
word of God sounded so much about him. Then followed 
the sacrament of the holy table of the Lord, which was con- 
stantly used on the festival days. The minister of God 
called all publicly to come forth, who had agreeably pre- 
pared themselves for so divine a bantjuet. Some came forth, 
and kneeled humbly upon their knees, being alone by them- 
selves, and left in the midst of the church ; and when it was 
due time, they, in the eyes and ears of all, did openly de- 
clare their abhorrence of the naughtiness of their lives ; and 
with one voice beg God's pity and forgiveness. The mi- 
nistei- bespoke them with chosen places of scripture, partly 


declaring threatenings against sin, and partly opening the CHAP. 

abundant fountains of God's mercy. So that those who J 1 

were to partake of the holy table did often tremble, and Anno 1 568. 
after being refreshed with the hope of pardon, were revived 
again. Such as had given a dangerous example, either by 
slandering of others, or by some profligate deed, were struck 
with anathema^ [i. e. excommunicated,] that shame, and 
shutting them out of communion with others, might call 
them back to their duty again. 

Thus Haddon laid the matter open in particulars, for 
every one to judge which of the two forms of religious ser- 
vices tended most to edification. He added one thing fur- 
ther, that there was more of sighs and groans in one access 
of ours to the table of the Lord, than in six hundred of their 
solemn masses. 

Osorius insisted again upon the infinite wickedness of 
our reformed people, and quoted the old prophets who cried 
out against the impiety of the backshding Jews, applying 
their words hither. But Haddon averred, that the greatest 
part of ours lived by most upright statutes; and many 
companies of people joined themselves to the true worship 
of God ; and were as far distant from those impious courses 
of life which Osorius mentioned, as his speech was from all 
shame and modesty : and that if he would do any thing 
to purpose, he bade him compare the darkness of their 429 
times with the light of our gospel ; and then consider what 
a difference there was between the one and the other, since 
in laying wickedness to our charge, he did urge their own 
reproach, and his own slandering practice, too common 
throughout his epistle. 

The last charge of Osorius was, that we were divided Our consent 

, , , . 1.. ..• i and union 

nito sects ; and that we were entered into consultations to- j^^ religion, 
gether how to destroy all God's religion. So far from that, 
saith Haddon, that there was a perfect consent and agree- 
ment among us : which if he doubted, he required him to 
have recourse to the Apology, Avhich the church had placed Jewel's 
openly in the eyes of the Christian world, as the common ' ^'" °^^' 
and certain pledge or token of our religion. And bade Oso- 


CHAP. i"ius refute it, if he could. But he could not, (he said,) nor 
XXXVil. could any of their party do it ; however of late there was 
Anno 1563. one, as well as he could, barked at it. And as for our plot- 
ting the destruction of religion, that was not possible to be 
done by us, who most steadfastly believed the immortality of 
souls. That that was an accusation he should lay upon some 
nation that doubted of that, if he could find any such in the 
Christian world. And to satisfy him further, he bade him 
remember, how firmly our nation had espoused the true 
worship of God and the sincere doctrine of the gospel, not 
only by their tongues and writings, but by their banish- 
ment, their hunger, their nakedness, by their blood, and 
life itself. 
The queen's When Osorius towards his conclusion had writ, that he 
* °' was longer than he intended, our answerer added, and more 
indeed than was decent too ; especially in the learned ears 
of the queen's majesty ; whose sharpness and judgment he 
had been afraid of, if he had considered with himself, how 
much strength of reason and understanding she was endued 
with ; that she read the holy scriptures much and often ; 
that she compared the best interpreters together ; that she 
collected every where the sentences of the most learned di- 
vines; that of herself she excelled in the knowledge of 
tongues : and that as she was of a prompt and sharp wit, 
so she added so much wisdom to it, as was scarce credible 
in that sex. And in a word, that she came to sermons ; and 
that in these things her senses were so exercised, partly in 
reading, and partly in hearing, that she could as well teach 
him as learn of him. And then he demanded of him, whe- 
ther he could have any hope, that this most religious and 
learned princess could be corrupted by his praises, or cir- 
cumvented by his flattering speeches. And he told Osorius 
roundly, that those, whosoever they were, that had suborned 
him to be the accuser of the English nation, especially be- 
fore the queen's majesty, had grossly abused his easiness. 
The fruits Osorius yet again rubs upon the fruits of our doctrine, 
of pur doc- ^^(j ijijg others take a view of them ; and required religion 
to be esteemed by its fruits. But what fruits, said Haddon, 


would their church have, which was less fruitful than all CHAP, 
others .'' But to comply with him ; Let England then be ' 

considered, said he, in the condition wherein it was before, Anno \s6:i. 
deformed with the filthy traditions of men ; and be com- 
pared with England as it was afterwards, living according 
to the institution of the gospel. Let our annals be searched : 
Jet recourse be had to the monuments of our own memory : 
and let the queen be judge, and the times compared. Let 430 
her give sentence. But if that pleased not, he bade Osorius, 
if he had not heard it before, learn it of him, what the pre- 
sent condition of England was, that he might hereafter give 
no credit to the infamous stories of our enemies. We had, 
he said, a princess presiding over the kingdom, in every 
respect without compare ; her court wanting no ornaments, 
either for the honour of her majesty, or for the safety of 
the commonwealth. The archbishops and bishops took 
upon them the office of preaching in their own persons, [a 
thing not practised in the popish church.] And being pre- 
sent in their dioceses had the care of all the churches. The 
nobility of the land did well accord among themselves ; and 
the common people every way dutiful. And a very great 
tranquillity there was throughout all the realm. Others per- 
haps had related these matters to him otherwise ; but he 
put him in mind of what his master Tully admonished, 
*' That many men spoke many things, but it was not neces- 
" sary to believe all." And that our ill-willers told not 
what they knew to be true, but that which they would have 
to be so ; because their eyes were in pain to see the extra- 
ordinary felicity of our state. 

At last Osorius pretended great compassion for Eng- 
land ; and that because his country Portugal and ours were 
neighbours and friends. But, said his answerer, if we were 
their neighbours and friends, why did he so load us with 
false crimes .-' Why did he say, " that we had drawn away 
" the people from the most ancient and most holy religion ; 
" which was ratified in the blood of Christ, and remained to 
" this very day, and carried them over to another cursed 
" and dreadful religion ?" He asked him closely, whether 

VOI-.l. PART II. e 


CHAP, he himself believed what he said. He knew he did not: 
"since in the first and best times of the church, there was 

Anno 1563. neither popedom, nor buying of sins by leaden seals, nor the 
bargains of purgatory, nor the adorations of images, nor 
the wandering visitations of saints, nor sacrificings for the 
living and the dead in masses, and the like : for these dis- 
graces of religion, in what times and by whom they crept 
into the church, he could not be ignorant, but dissembled 
all the while, basely to serve the ears of those of his own 

And whereas Osorius would fain have persuaded the 
queen, " to relinquish the religion received by the common 
■ " consent of the state, and to take up his ; and that the way 
** was easy to do it ; that the glory of it would be eternal, 
" and the whole world would applaud her ;" TIaddon said, 
it was a question whether this exhortation had more folly or 
impiety in it : for should the voice of a Portuguese, the 
epistle of one Hierom Osoi'ius, break through and overthrow 
the sacred doctrine of the gospel, continually for more than 
thirty years (except the late turbulent six years) remaining 
among us ; in which doctrine her royal majesty had led all 
her life ; in which she had found God so favourable to her ; 
in which she had enjoyed already a peaceable five years' 
reign, flourishing in the greatest prosperity ; in which had 
been the fullest consent of all the states ; in which very ex- 
cellent laws had been made and established : should this 
single stranger, by a few rhetorical words writ to the queen, 
supplant this true and sincere worship of God, so carefully 
on all hands fenced and fortified by her majesty ? 
43 1 And if he hoped for any such success of his pains, he did 
but unwisely to entertain any such confidence. He might, 
if he would, write thousands of philippics ; all the queen''s 
enemies might flock together, and all that envied and hated 
her, the great number whereof Osorius pretended to know. 
[For he had used it as an argument to the queen to forsake 
her religion on that account, because the papists in her 
kingdom were more than her subjects that professed the 
gospel.] Yet as God oftentimes before snatched her out of 


the hands of her enemies, so he still would preserve her CHAP, 
from their malice, and would confirm lier in the trutJi of ^^^^VVH^ 
the gospel, as he did daily; and finally would grant her Anno 1 663. 
everlasting glory, for her enlarging the glory of Christ by 
the gospel. 

And whereas Osorius had by way of epilogue adjured 
and beseeched her again and again to banish from her the 
authors of this pestilent novelty, (as he called pure religion,) 
and to betake herself to his church, where, with a great 
deal of elegancy of speech, he placed tlie quire of all vir- 
tues ; Haddon told him his labour was in vain : for what 
he called novelty of error, her majesty knew to be antiquity 
of truth ; and that she humbly gave God continual thanks 
for it ; and determined not to lay it down but with her life. 
And that as for him, she thought him a mere stranger in 
the gospel, if he knew not all this before. 

This notable responsory letter was sent by secretary Ce-Haddon's 
cil (as it seems) into France to the learned sir Thomas g^g^^j^^^^ 
Smith, the queen's ambassador, to peruse it, and then get itOsoriussent 
printed there, as Osorius's epistle had been. That such as to be print- 
had read that calumniatory writing might also read this ; '''^• 
that right and justice might be done to the English nation. 
The said ambassador accordingly applied himself to the 
chancellor of Paris for liberty to print it. But he shifted it 
oiF, pretending that Osorius"'s epistle was printed by stealth 
•without any permission of theirs. Nay the original copy had 
like to have been quite lost : for it having been put into the 
hands of Henry Stevens to print it, by some wile it was got 
out of his hands. And great difficulty there was, and ap- 
plication to the chancellor of Paris, by the said ambassador, 
before it could be retrieved again. In fine, at last it was 
printed anno 1563, either in France or elsewhere. 

The censure which the foresaid ambassador gave of this Sir Thomas 
book to Haddon himself the author, was, " That nothingj^'^gj^^^^^j^^ 
" could come from Haddon, which was not good Latin in it. 
" the words, neat and smooth in the speech, and grave in 
" the sentences. And that there was but one thing that he 
" approved not of in that work ; which was, that he had to 


CHAP. " do with an adversary that he so much overmatched; who 
XXXVII. (4 brought nothing: but a bare imitation of Cicero, and was 

Anno 1563. '< ignorant of the matter he handled." 

Osorius an- But Osorius, nettled mth this answer of Dr. Haddon, not 
swers a - ^^^^^ ^^^^^ (being now become bishop of Sylva or Arco- 
burge) gave a reply to it in three books, which was all no- 
thing else but a further and moi*e bitter invective against 
Haddon's England ; wherein he would seem to post over (as Haddon 
told him) his whole malice against Luther and his asso- 
ciates : yet he did notwithstanding indict and accuse Eng- 
land ; by express words rail on our bishops with most foul 
432 and false accusation; condemn the subjects in general of 
stiffnecked crookedness ; our temples, our ceremonies, our 
laws, and our whole religion, with a shameless tongue and 
most insolent invective, did deride, condemn, and slander. 

Here was work again for our learned apologist, who 
thought in honour he must not leave this cause of his coun- 
try and the English church. But it is remarkable how he 
was dissuaded from it by some foreign Englishmen, and 
desperately threatened what danger and what work he 
would draw upon his own head, if he did not stop his pen, 
and let Osorius have the last word : for, (to continue our 
account of this controversy,) in the year 1565, one Richard 
Osorius's Shacklock, M. A. of Lovain, set forth in English this let- 
qiieen,*' '^ ter of Osorius with high commendations in the preface, pre- 
printed in ferring it as far above Haddon's answer, (except that he 
vouchsafed to call him a man of handsome eloquence,) as 
the light of the sun was before a link. It was printed at 
Antwerp, March the 27th the said year, with the title of, 
A pearl Jbr a prince ; which title the French translation 
had given it before. And it had the allowance of Cornelius 
Jansenius, professor of divinity of Lovain. And in the con- 
clusion of this book is an address to Mr. Doctor Haddon 
from Antwerp, trying to affright him from proceeding 
Dr. Haddon any further against Osorius : for they tell him, " How Nazi- 
if hTwrit ' " anzen witnessed, that Valens the emperor, poisoned with 
again. « the Arian heresy, after he had written with his own hand 
" many words concerning the banishment of St. Basil, yet 


" could not finish those writings, for so much as the pen CHAP. 
" did three times refuse to yield ink. However, being obsti- ' 

" nate in his proposed malice, did not leave off to write Anno 1 563. 

" that wicked decree, and to subscribe unto it, when it was 

" written ; till a great cramp or palsy came into his hand, 

*' which did strike such a fear and terror into his heart, 

" that with his own hand he tore that which he had writ. 

'* And then Mr. Dr. Haddon was bid, for the love of God, 

*' to remember this fearful example. And whereas he did 

*' not fear to write against Osorius at the first, because per- 

*' adventure either he knew it not, or else had forgotten it, 

" now seeing he did know it, and had it fresh brought to 

" his memory, he was warned not to despise it. And that 

" it should be a warning to him, whether he were moved 

" of his own head, or pricked forward by the suggestion of 

" others ; whether he were in his own private parlour, or the 

*' public parliament house ; to say nothing, write nothing, 

" subscribe to nothing pertaining to the defacing of the 

" truth ; lest such a cramp took him in the hand when he 

*' should write, or such a palsy come into his tongue when 

" he should speak : and so become a spectacle to all men. 

*' Further, they bade him enter into an humble confession 

*' of his own imperfection : and that in humanity he could 

" do very commendably ; but when he came to declaim in 

" divinity, he could no more bestir himself than David in 

" Saul's armour." 

But that if he would not cease, they assured him, " That 
" he should stir up so many adversaries against him, that 
" whereas he was master of the requests, and for that 
" cause ought always to be at leisure to hear petitions when 
" suitors came to him, he shovild be fain to make them this 
" answer; I pray you trouble me not, I must go answer 433 
" Osorius in Portugal, I must answer Hosius in Polonia, 
" such a man in such a country, &c. And that, if he would 
" not make them such an answer, yet his brains should be 
" busied with so many books and letters from his betters, 
" that his mind should not be upon his charge. And so he 
" would be put out of his place for negligence, or else sent 

G S 


CHAP. " from the court to Cambridge for pity, that he might have 
XXXVII. t< rfiore leisure to answer his adversaries, which he would 
Anno 1563." not well like of. Wherefore they prayed him to follow 
*' their former coi^nsel: to stay himself; and to recompense 
" his troublesome eloquence with charitable and quiet si- 
" lence. And because he was master of requests, they 
" prayed him to grant them this request ; that he increased 
" not his old fault with a new offence, nor made any new 
" resistance against ancient verity. And that he might be 
" the more afraid to abvise his hand in writing against Oso- 
" rius, or any other catholic, they prayed him to turn the 
" hook named Si/ mbola IIe7-oica into English; where, among 
" many other pictures, he should find a shaking hand with 
" a pen leaping out of it, and this poesy written over it, 
" Ulterius ne tende odiis ; i. e. Proceed no further in ha- 
" treds. And this heroical device they trusted would terrify 
" him from the like vice." 
Haddon's But notwithstanding all this counsel, (childish enough,) 
Osoriu^s's" ^"^^^ ^^^ Haddon's zeal in answering the second angry and 
second malicious book of Osorius, that in the beginning of his an- 
swer he said resolutely, " He stood in the defence of his 
" country, and would persist therein so long as breath was 
" in his body." And indeed in this quarrel he ended his 
life : for he died when he had not gone half way in his con- 
futation. Whether he had any foul play, I cannot tell ; but 
by the warning given above, it may raise a suspicion ; espe- 
cially since he was at Bruges in Flanders, anno 1566, the 
last year of his life. He treated his adversary now more 
smartly than he had done before ; but yet used him like a 
scholar. But with what success he dealt with him, John Fox 
will tell us, " that he .so handled his matters with argu- 
" ments and reasons, as he seemed not only to have con- 
" futed Osorius, but also to have crushed him all to pieces." 
Fox qon- Where he left off, the said Fox was thought the fittest, for 
d "n*ra^*'^ learning and divinity, as well as an excellent Latin style, to 
swer. go on with the work : and so at length he finished it, by 

adding above three parts more than Haddon had writ to it ; 
swelling to a pretty large book. And at last it was turned 


into English by James Bell, and printed by John Day, anno CHAP. 
1581, in 4to. Wherein are fully answered the malicious [ 

slanders and misreports raised in those times against our re- Anno 1663. 
ligion, and what was done in the reforming of the church 
of England justified. And to every thing that was writ, I 
make no doubt secretary Cecil was privy, and all went 
through his hand, and the writer had his directions, since 
the work was of such a public import, and he had con- 
cerned himself with this controversy from the beginning. 
Fox's style was sharp, and oftentimes witty, (for so Osorius 
was to be dealt withal,) but he shewed also a great deal of 
good learning and knowledge in ecclesiastical and other his- 
tory. And thus much for this state-book of Haddon''s, with 
the history of it. 

To this let me add another book of good use that came 434 
forth this year, printed by Reginald Wolfe, viz. Wolfgang ^luscuius' 
Musculus his Common Places, translated out of Latin into Places 
English by John Man, provost of Merton college, Oxon, ^°™" 
with an epistle dedicatory to the archbishop of Canterbury, John Man. 
who had lately placed him, in spite of popish opposition, in 
that college. It is a large folio, containing a good body of 
practical divinity, profitably and plainly handled, for the 
use and help of the unlearned, not only laymen, but clergy, 
(of which sort there were many in these times,) as there 
were many translations of learned protestant foreigners'" 
writings now printed and published in England, very sea- 
sonable and useful : this book, among the rest, being judged 
by the learned to be of good service, for them that needed 
by orderly instruction to be taught the principal articles 
and rules of Christian religion, as they might easily con- 
ceive them, and faithfully keep them. It was the work of 
ten years, written with good advisement, tempered for their 
measure for whom it was prepared, as the preface shewed. 
As for Musculus himself, he was public reader of divinity 
at Berne in Switzerland ; a man of most godly life ; trained 
up in learning by the space of near sixty years ; occupied 
in continual reading and expounding of scripture ; having 
achieved thereby to such an excellency, as, the translatox' 

c 4 


CHAP, saith, he might be numbered amongst the most profoundly 
/ learned doctors that have written in the church of God. 

Anno 1563. Care was taken for Wales, the people whereof were very 
popish, very ignorant, and very sinful : for the redress 
whereof, and for the introducing among them the knowledge 
The Bible, of truc religion, the Bible was translated, or ready to be 
Prayer"and translated, into their mother tongue, and also the Book of 
Homilies in Common Prayer, Administration of the Sacraments, and the 


Book of Homilies. And for the printing of these books, or 
any other in the Welsh tongue, tending to the setting forth 
of godly doctrine, the queen granted a patent for seven 
years to William Salisbury of Llanraost, gent, and John 
Waley of London, printer, and to their heirs and assigns, 
with a prohibition to all others ; the bishops of Hereford, 
St. David's, St. Asaph, Bangor, and LandafF, or any two of 
them, having knowledge in the said tongue, first perusing 
and allowing them. 
Misceiia- Let me add these scattering historical notices of affairs 
neous mat- ^^^^ ^^j^ ^^^^ within this year by way of brief journal. 
rp. . In May the bastard son of the king of Navarre came into 

tardofNa- England from Guien, to see the queen and this country. 
But some thought it was partly for refuge, fearing dis- 
pleasure there, because of ill usage of Ferdinando de To- 
Plague. In August the plague raged in London. So that by 

the 30th of that month there died about a thousand in a 
Hertford The earl of Hertford, and the lady Katharine, daughter 

and lady of ^]^g l^te Hcnrv Grey, duke of Suffolk, that were both 

Katharine . i m /> i • i i • • /- i 

removed, put uito the Tower for their clandestine marriage, (she 

being of royal blood,) by reason of the plague were this 

month removed thence : he to remain with his mother, the 

435 duchess of Somerset, as prisoner; and she with her uncle, 

the lord John Grey, at Pyrgo in Essex ; where not long 

after she died with grief. 

Whit- September the 2d, William Whittingham, (sometime an 

preaches exile, of whom much is spoken in the Troubles at Frank- 

at court, ford^) now dean of Durham, preached at court. 


In November, the Portuffal ambassador, lately in Lon- CHAP, 
don, being gone thence for France, the queen writ him a ' 
letter thither, both of thanks and of excuse; and sent it to Anno 1563. 
sir Thomas Smith, her ambassador, to deliver it to him : ^"b^fir. 
and withal she commanded him to tell him, that because he 
did desire, when he was here, to see her majesty write, she 
had subscribed her letter with a few other words ; which as 
she wrote them, so, she said, she meant to perform the 
sense of the same. 

November the 27th, the death in London was decreased 
to three hundred the last week. 

The term was appointed to be kept at Hartford castle, Term, 
because of the plague at London. 

December the 29th, the French having elected the earl of Leicester 
Leicester to be of their order of St. Michael, with a com- tht^Fren^ch' 
panion, there had been great debate at court sundry times, order, 
whether he should accept of the said election : and sometimes 
it was intended he should accept it alone, and sometimes with 
a companion. And for that companion, sometimes the lord 
marquis of Northampton was nominated, and sometimes the 
earl of Sussex, and sometimes the duke of Norfolk : but, in ' 
the end, the queen herself meant to declare all. This va- 
riation cost near twelve days. But it seems the queen 
thought fit to have it refused at this time ; notwithstanding, 
when, two years after, this honour was offered again by the 
French king after another manner, namely, that she might 
bestow the ensigns of that order upon any two whom she 
pleased, she then bestowed them upon the duke of Norfolk 
and the said earl. 

The cold was now so great, that it gave both the queen A disease 
and her secretary Cecil a disease called the pooss, which ^^^^^ 
affected the head. LTpon the secretary it was so much, that 
he could not see. The queen was cumbered with pain in 
her nose and eyes, so that she could not sign any letter nor 
do any business ; otherwise in good and perfect health. 

Perpetual frosts from the 16th day of December to the Long and 
29th, and how much longer I know not, so that men ordi-fro""f 
narily passed over the Thames on the ice ; which they had 


CHAP, not done since the eighth year of the reign of king Henry 
' VIII. which was almost fifty years ago. 

Aniioioea. In the month of March died the lady Poyntz, whose 
Lady Poiiitz ]^^^jgj|jg^j-j J |^^j heeu a great officer and favourite with king 

strangely o o 

transported Henry VIII. Her death I should not have mentioned, but 
littie^be- hecause somewhat happened very strange but a little while 
fore her before her departure She had married one Dyer, a second 

death. J ' 

MSS. Ce- husband, whose carriage to her was so inhuman, that it 
cihan. brake her heart with sorrow. While she lay sick, he allowed 
her not the necessary help of physic. And to add to her 
grief, she seemed to lie also under the queen"'s displeasure. 
However, her majesty, hearing of her great sickness, took 
pity upon her, and sent her a kind letter, and 50/. to buy 
436 her apothecary's stuff; together with which came another 
letter of comfort from the queen''s secretary : with all which 
she sent Santon, her messenger, to Wells, where the said 
lady then lay. The messenger came to her, March the 21st, 
when she had almost lost her hearing, her sight, and speech ; 
and on which day she died. But as soon as the messenger 
had delivered his message from the queen, and her letters, 
together with the secretary ""s, were read to her, she presently 
recovered perfect hearing, perfect sight, and a perfect voice ; 
which continued with her till her breath failed. She ap- 
pointed in what order her majesty"'s letter and the secre- 
tary ''s should be answered ; and after she had put her hand 
to them, and with her own hands taken and kissed and de- 
livered those letters, she presently died, with memory, 
speech, sight, and hearing perfect, until the last : as sir Ni- 
cholas Pointz, her son, gave account in his letter to the se- 
The queen's The quecu abode this winter at Windsor, where she had 
Earning retired a good while before, for avoiding the danger of the 
plague in London. Here she still followed her studies in a 
constant course with her schoolmaster Ascham : who was so 
extremely taken with his royal mistress*'s diligence and ad- 
vancement in learning, that once he brake out, in an ad- 
Asch. dress to the young gentlemen of England, " That it was 

master ». " their shame, that one maid should go beyond them all in 



*' excellency of learning and kn'owledge of divers tongues. CHAP, 
" Point forth, as he made the challenge, six of the best ^^^^^^- 

"given gentlemen of this court; and all they together Anno 15 63. 

" shew not so much good will, spend not so much time, be- 

" stow not so many hours daily, orderly, and constantly, 

*' for the increase of learning and knowledge, as doth the 

" queen''s majesty herself. Yea, he believed, that beside her 

" perfect readiness in Latin, Italian, French, and Spanish, 

" she read there at Windsor more Greek every day, than 

" some prebendaries of that church did read Latin in a 

" whole week. And that which was most praiseworthy of 

*' all, within her walls of her privy-chamber she had ob- 

" tained that singularity of learning, to understand, speak, 

" and write, both wittily with head and fair with hand, as 

" scarce one or two rare wits in both the universities had in 

" many years reached unto." 

And he added in this his transport, that among all the 
benefits that God had blessed him withal, next to the know- 
ledge of Chrisfs true religion, he counted it the greatest, 
that it had pleased God to call him to be a poor instrument 
in setting forward these excellent gifts of learning in this 
prince : whose only example, said he, if the rest of the 
nobles would follow, then might England be, for learning 
and wisdom in nobility, a spectacle to all the world beside. 


Matters between France and England. Nezo Haven sur- 
rendered by the English. Motions Jbr peace betzveen the 
two crowns. The rudeness of the French ambassador'' s 
men in Eaton college. 3Iatters with the Loxo Countries. 
The duke of Wirtenburgh to the queen about mar- 
riage. Matters with Scotland. The Scotch queen's 

JN OW we shall proceed to continue our relations of mat- 
ters between France and England this year. 


CHAP. March the 29th, the court still meant to make sure at 

^ New Haven. Neither had they any apprehensions or fears, 

Anno i56'3. that any sudden force should there prevail against them. 
NewHaven. Matters with France now stood thus. The prince of 
breaks pro- Conde, head of the French protestants, had made firm pro- 
mise with ujisg^ j^Qt to agree to any peace with France without con- 
sideration of the queen : and his ambassador here was ad- 
vised to put him in remembrance that she looked for the 
same. A certain nobleman ratified the accord of the prince; 
and it was also consented to by fifteen other principal no- 
blemen that were in Normandy, that the first accord should 
be kept ; which was, to make no peace without the queen\s 
majesty''s consent. 

But Cond^ having now made peace with the French, 
(besides the former difficulty,) the French required him to 
procure the English to leave New Haven. And this he did 
now endeavour, together with the French ambassador, as 
though they had not put it into the English hands, to de- 
tain it till the French had restored Calais to them. The 
queen's principal secretary, therefore, the better to instruct 
the English ambassador to treat with that prince, sent a 
copy of the treaty with the said prince ; which had been 
stayed some time out of tenderness to him, that it might 
not fall into the hands of his enemies : but now (that prince 
being as he was) the ambassador had it sent him speedily. 
And the secretary told him, he might be bold to say, that 
he and the admiral had especially covenanted, that New 
Haven should not be delivered until Calais was restored ; 
and that the queen meant not so to be abused. 
Ambassador In April, monsieur Bricquemault came ambassador from 
fromCond^. j^l^g prince of Conde, to propound offers for the surrender 
of New Haven, upon other terms than the delivery of Ca- 
lais; and the last day of the month departed. And having 
taken leave of her majesty, he went to speak to the lord 
Robert Dudley apart; and with great asseveration said, 
that if the queen refused the offers he had made, and would 
of herself devise no others, he knew certainly that she should 
never have better. The French ambassador also privately 


sent the secretary the like message. But the court took all CHAP. 

this but for good French brags. '. 

As yet we were prosperous at New Haven, having met ^""o ' ^^3. 
with fifty-four merchant ships, coming out of Britain and prench 
Guien, laden with wine and salt, and gave them stabling ships seized, 
(as the secretary wrote to the English ambassador) in New^^g " 
Haven. The lading of those ships were very meet for the 
victualling of that place ; and therefore would be demanded. 
Some other adventurers had likewise met with five or six 
other of like sort, and brought them to Plymouth and Ports- 
mouth. These last were stayed, for that the French had 
stayed a number of English ships at Bourdeaux. But the 
French ambassador shewing the copy of letters from the 
queen-mother to Monluc, the governor of Guien, for the 
delivery of the same, and another letter from Monluc for 
the discharge of the English ships, order was given from the 
English court for the delivery of the French ships which 
were in England. 

The French ambassador about this time privately sent May i . 
the secretary word, that if the English dealt after that sort, 
they should look to have the siege afore New Haven within 
fifteen days after his advertisement. But the secretary could 
not tell whether to believe it or not. 

Some little time ago the queen set forth a declaration in The queen's 
English, in justification of her doings in France. This de- J^", j^^^*/.*'^" 
claration the French had used their pleasure in varying of ; the French 
and so set it forth in French : but very false. Upon this, 
two copies were sent to the English ambassador there, by 
which he might certainly avow all others, published contrary, 
to be mere falsehoods. And so he was ordered to signify to 
them where he was. 

In May, certain Frenchmen were sent to New Haven, to Treachery 
set the ships on fire, that had been taken ; but these were French, 
taken, and confessed the whole matter. Whereupon the 
English sent for some of the ships from thence. Others 
also were taken there, that had a determination, which they 
also confessed, to have betrayed the town. Whereupon the 




Anno 1663. 

New Ha- 
ven made 

Titus, C. 

in it. 

New Haven 


A plague. 

The French 
under re- 

earl of Warwick, the governor, joining thereto a late pro- 
clamation made at Paris, for victualling the camp, to expel 
the English out of New Haven, had by honest means in 
like manner expelled all the French out of New Haven; 
and was stronger hereby by 52000 men, that is, (I suppose,) 
hereby making room for so many more English soldiers. 

The fortification at New Haven was now so advanced, 
that the English did but desire to receive some honour by 
repelling the Frenchmen, if they would but assault them. 

July the 6th, the French made proclamation to hcense 
all Frenchmen to invade the English, during the time that 
the English should keep New Haven. And July the 13th, 
a proclamation was issued out from the queen, to notify the 
French proclamation made the 6th day, with a hke licence 
for England, while the French should keep Calais. 

In July, the mortality was in New Haven ; and the 
French made their approaches two ways. And yet had 
the death not been so great as it now was in the town, they 
should repent them (as the secretary wrote) of all their 
travails. But new succours were daily sent : and the Eng- 
lish admiral was now upon the seas, to bid the enemy a good 

But notwithstanding all the English resolution hitherto, 
with all their confidence, provisions, charges, and successes, 
on the first of August came the news of the surrender of 
this place ; seeing it was not possible to be kept longer by 
reason of the plague And since (as the secretary wrote to 
sir Tho. Smith) it pleased God Almighty to visit it with 
such incurable infection, being, as it seemed, a den of poison, 
it was well bargained to part with it. This plague was 
brought into England, and the latter end of August raged 
in London, about a thousand in a week dying. 

The same month sir Nicolas Throgmorton, the queen''s 
ambassador in France, was put under restraint. And the 
queen, to be even with the French for this injurious dealing 
with her ambassador, lodged the French ambassador at 
Eaton in sir Thomas Smith's old lodgings, very commodi- 


ously, but under restraint; indeed, better lodged than ever CHAP, 
he was in England, and at liberty to walk and ride whither ^^^^^^t. 
he would. And so he used to ride much abroad. Anno ises. 

In this plague the French hostages were put to some cus- The French 
tody abroad ; but not as prisoners : two of them sent to sir 
Rich. Blunt's house near Reading ; the other to Mr. Kenelm 
Throamorton and Mr. Caroo. 

Divers attempts were now made against the isles of Jersey Jersey and 
and Guernsey. For the preventing of any danger thereby, '"""^*>- 
the English sent tliither ships and men. 

In November, sir Tho. Smith, still in France, had orders Peace con- 


to conclude a peace with that crown. 

On St. Stephen's day, a new ambassador from France for A new am- 
peace had audience. He laboured also for delivery of the from 
hostages. After his being with the queen, he had discourse France, 
with the lord marquis, lord admiral, lord chamberlain, the 
seci-etary, and Mr. Wolley. He used a long harangue of 
half an hour to move them to peace ; not omitting therewith 
to set forth the power of France, the union of all their fac- 
tion, and so forth : and concluded in an article, that he with 
sir Thomas Smith, the queen's ambassador, had allowed. 
On the English side, by order of the queen's majesty, it was 
answex-ed, that they allowed vei'y well of peace, and had a 
long time thought thereon ; that they saw no other means 
more reasonable, for the honour of both parties, and conti- 
nuance in amity, than to have the same treaty renewed 
which was made at Cambresy, between king Henry and the Anno 1559. 
queen ; the ministers whereof were known to be the best 
counsellors for both the realms, all being yet alive, saving 
one. And concluded peremptorily, that no other manner 
of peace could be honourable or sure for both parties. 

The French ambassador lodged in Eaton college, near The French 
the court at Windsor : where it happened that he and the '^'"bassa- 

^ ^ . dor's vio- 

provost of the said college had a great falling out. Theienceto- 
provost was a little before commanded to keep his gates ^J^^^^J'lJ 
shut, according to the order of the house. Malvisier, an Eaton : 
agent from France, being with the ambassador half an hour 
after eight, and the gates shut, the ambassador sent to the 


CHAP, provost for the keys: who answered, that he would not 
XXXVIII. ijreak the orders of the house. But after a muhipUcation 
Anno 1363. of language on both sides, Malvisier departed to the back 
gate, and climbed over, to go to his lodgings. Two or three 
others, disposed to do the like, came back to the provost's 
440 door with the ambassador's servants, and brake open his 
door upon him per force with a form ; and the ambassador, 
with a sword in his hand, though not drawn out of the scab- 
bard, was the first that entered, and Du Bois, his secretary, 
with another sword ; and took the provost violently out of 
his chamber, having but one young scholar in his com- 
pany, and took the keys, and opened the gates at their 
But makes In the moming the ambassador sent two of his servants 
coLpilint unto the secretary, to complain of the provost, fashioning a 
to the se- tale of the provost's refusal : with a remembrance, by the 
cretary. ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^ forced to break open the door. The 

secretary answered, that he would send for the provost, and 
hear him also ; and if it should appear that he used himself 
otherwise than became him, he should bear the blame. 
Which speech of his they liked not ; but said, he was par- 
tial to the provost, and suddenly departed. Being scarcely 
gone from the chamber, they met the provost coming to the 
secretary to complain, as he had cause. And the French- 
men passing out of the castle, [of Windsor,] met with two 
of the provost's men, whose hearts, as it seems, did rise 
against them for misusing their master ; and so they fell to 
some quarrelling, and drawing of their swords. But there 
was no hurt on either part. Upon this the Frenchmen 
came back to the secretary's chamber with another cry ; and 
finding the provost with him, who knew nothing of the mat- 
ter, the secretary sent for the knight marshal, to examine 
the matter ; and if he saw cause, to commit the provost's 
men to prison : which though the marshal found no great 
cause, yet it was ordered so to be. After this fray, the am- 
bassador sent to have audience, alleging, that he desired to 
speak with the queen before Malvisier should depart : and 
perceiving that it was but about that brabbling matter, he 


was deferred until Monday, considering the festival days of CHAP. 
Christmas. Wherewith he was nettled, and sent Malvisier ; 

awav. Anno 1563. 

Upon this it w^as meant, that the ambassador should be 
removed from Eaton, and be taught to provide his lodgings 
with his own money, as the English ambassador did in 

Thus these haughty French spirits could not restrain The mie- 

, r 1 11 • • n^ss of the 

their rude and turbulent behaviour in a strange country ; Frendi. 
and that even when they came to make peace. It was but 
a little before this disturbance, in this same month of De- 
cember, that such another instance of these Frenchmen's 
heats and indiscretions appeared. Which was thus : 

The queen had sent one Steuklcy with a squadron abroad Steukiey 
to the seas for Florida : who afterwards, in November, ^.j^,^ ^^ii a 
came to the court with certain French captains, whom hesqiiafiron. 
took coming from thence, by some of his ships, which he 
sent out against the French. Steukiey put the chief of 
these French captains, his prisoners, to liberty upon his 
faith, conditionally, that he should speak with no French- 
man. But yet the prisoner stole to Eaton, to speak with the 
ambassador there. Steukiey hearing thereof, sent for him, 
and beat him. Whereupon the ambassador hearing thereof, 
sent to the secretary to complain. And the secretary re- 
buked Steukiey roundly, although the other did reasonably 
justify what he had done. The day following, the ambassa- 
dor's secretary came to know what the secretary had done : 
who told him how he had rebuked Steuklcy, and what his 
answer was. Well, said the Frenchman, my master will 441 
advise the king, who will revenge it. What ? replied the 
secretary, you are too hot ; you speak herein hntjbolishly ; 
using the word sottement. Why, quoth he, call ye mc a 
fool ? No, said the secretary, but I tell you what I think of 
your words. Hereupon he departed fumingly. And so 
the ambassador conceived much offence against the secre- 
tary. We shall pursue these French affairs when we come 
to the next year. 



CHAP. It was likewise chiefly upon account of the alteration of 
^^'^^"^' religion, that Spain and the Low Countries were ready to 
Anno 1563. pick quarrels with England. Somewhat whereof I will re- 
wiUi^The la^^' ^s I fi"^ ^" ^o™^ letters of state that now passed. 
Nether- The regent and estates of the Basse countries in the 

month of December commanded, that none of the English 
cloths should come into the country before Candlemas, for 
fear of the plague, as was alleged. And they spread there very 
evil rumours against the English nation for pretended lack 
of justice, for pillage of their ships, and such like maritime 
affairs. And, indeed, some cause they might have in this 
time, when the adventurers and privateers of the English 
haunted the seas so much, and missing of French vessels, 
might seek for French goods in Flemish ships. But surely 
their complaints were augmented by malice and fraud, to 
sow division between the English and the king of Spain ; 
and especially by the Esterlings, and such as would have 
had our merchants less favoured in Antwerp. Hereupon it 
was thought meet to appoint an extraordinary commission, 
to hear and determine their complaints summaric ; and also 
to send Dr. Lewis or Dale with a report of all the orders 
and judgments given in their favour, since the death of the 
Sir Thomas bishop of Aquila, the late Spanish ambassador. And there 
ambassador was an intention of sending an ambassador to reside in Flan- 
in Spain, (jg^s, instead of Spain. For now in December sir Thomas 
Chaloner, being dangerously sick, without hope of recovery, 
but by returning, was revoked ; yet upon the consideration 
and offer made to that king to send another thither, or into 
Flanders. And here it was judged more needful for an 
ambassador to be. 
Dale goes Towards the latter end of December, Dr. Dale, a civilian, 
to Flanders. jjppj^j.tgfl towards Flanders, to make answer to the clamor- 
ous complaints of that country against this, for lack of justice, 
and for depredations. And further, a commission was made 
to Lewis, Weston, Huick, Mouse, learned doctors of the 
laws, to hear and determine such kind of complaints sum- 


And the last day of the said month arrived a secretary CHAp. 
from Flanders, named Detorre, Avith matters of expostula- ^^^^^^^' 
tion for spoil upon the seas: which indeed was hard to -^""o '563. 
avoid in that time, considering^ the Flenmiings did so con- ^ ^^^J^- 

^ o o tary from 

tinually colour the Frenchmen's goods. And but two days thence, 
after, this secretary was heard. 

But on new-year*'s-day the intercourse of trade opened ; 
the order of the regent aforesaid being it seems revoked, 
that forbade the intercourse till Candlemas. 

The duke of Wirtenburgh, a German protestant prince, 
had lately friendly offered his service to the queen, in case 
she were minded to marry. To which, January 27, she 442 
gave him this courteous and princely answer: " That al-^'^'^i""" 
" though she never yet were weary of single and maiden duke of 
" life, yet indeed she was the last issue her father left, and ^'/*^"' 
" the only of her house : the care of her kingdom, and the Cott. libr. 
'* love of posterity, did ever counsel her to alter this course * 
" of life. But in consideration of the leave that her sub- 
" jects had given her in ampler manner to make her own 
" choice, than they did to any prince afore, she was even in 
*' courtesy bound to make that choice, so as should be for 
" the best of her state and subjects. And for that he offered 
" therein his assistance, she graciously acknowledged the 
" same, promising to deserve it hereafter." 

Now something of the matters of Scotland. The security Matters 
of the affairs of England, both of religion and the civil state, jand. 
depending very much upon the assured friendship of that 
neighbouring kingdom ; hence it was one of the queen"'s 
great cares to look to that quarter. The queen of Scots Queen of 
was popish, and the dauphin of France's widow, guided 
much by the Guisian faction in France, a fatal enemy to 
queen Elizabeth and the reformed religion. Therefore, as 
an ecclesiastical historian, I shall give some brief notes of 
the queen's endeavours and practices with that queen and 
state, to countermine France. And these notes are not vul- 
gar and common, but the more to be esteemed and de- 
pended upon, being taken out of papers of state and am- 
bassadors' instructions. 

H 2 


C H A P. During the affairs at New Haven between the French and 
______* the English, the French began, (as well in respect of the 

Anno i563.(]gj^t]^ of the duke of Guise, the Scotch queen's uncle, (the 
tices'oTthe t)ond of her affection,) as for the discourtesy she and her 
French in subjects had received lately, by the detention of her dower, 
Cott. libr. degrading Hamilton, duke of Castelheralt, from the duchy, 
Julius, F. 6. j^jj^l taking from her nation their places in guard,) to sus- 
pect her falling off from their alliance to the English. 
Therefore now in their letters they made her liberal pro- 
mises ; press her with the memory of ancient amity, and 
solicit her by La Croch (sent from her uncle of Lorain, the 
cardinal) to match with the duke of Austria, on whom the 
emperor would bestow the county of Tyrol for her dowry ; 
seeking by these means to work her and the catholics of 
Scotland a party in their quarrel. 
The queen But this revealed to the queen of England by their own 
land's^prac- instruments, and the Scotch queen''s directions, Randolph 
tices there, ^yg^g ggj^^ forthwith from hence to that queen of Scots : the 
end of whose service was to hinder the marriage treated of 
by the house of Guise for her, with that person of the house 
of Austria. 
Earl of In the mean time, the queen, who took great care of se- 

bury lord curiug her frontiers against Scotland, being jealous of the 
lieutenant French's invading; her that wav, in the month of July made 

of York- ^ - . 

shire, &c. the earl of Shrewsbury, a man of great power and influence 
in those northern parts, her lord lieutenant in Yorkshire, 
Nottinghamshire, and Darbyshire. And when Cecil, the 
queen's secretary, sent him down the commission, he let him 
understand, she did it out of her singular confidence reposed 
in him. She also at the same time signed him a bill to re- 
tain an hundred persons. When she also licensed the lord 
Robert Dudley (afterwards earl of Leicester) to retain the 
same number. 
443 About the same time she constituted the earl of Bedford 
^"'^ *f^r d ^^''^ lieutenant for the counties of Northumberland, Cum- 
ford of berland, Westmorland, and the bishopric of Durham. This 
ilir'i'T&c ^^^^ ^^^ governor of Barwick, and the queen's chief general 


And in August, the queen, on pretence of better secur- CHAP. 

ing that her piece of Barwick, appointed the earl of Shrews- J 

bury to levy two thousand men; whereof sixteen hundred Anno 1563. 
to be raised in Yorkshire, and the remaining four hundred ^^J^'|| [^'"^^'^^ 
to be raised in the bishopric. Which when the said earl be raised iiy 
had signified to the earl of Bedford, he forthwith conferred shrewl- ° 
with the hiofh sheriff of the county palatine, and other wor- ^^n' f<"- 
shipful persons of the same : who told hmi, that it was never 
heretofore seen, that the bishopric should be charged with The bi- 

. ^ " shopnc. 

the sending forth of any, since the same was the strength 
and refuge appointed AvhoUy and altogether to come to aid 
this piece of Barwick upon any necessity, and the unpeopled 
frontiers tliere ; and that in taking any away from them, they 
did so much decay and diminish their own force. 

Randolph, the queen's agent, (as was said before,) was 111 usage of 
now stayed at Edinburgh, or rather committed to ^^^^'^^11^1^^^^ 
keeping; and Mr. Tom worth at Dunbar. The earl of Scotland. 
Bedford therefore, August the 20th, desired the earl of 
Shrewsbury to get his sixteen hundred men ready at all 
times, and to be by him commanded. For that the queen 
had commanded him to have all things in a readiness to pro- 
vide for war, and yet to preserve good peace. 

And now we proceed to give some particulars of Ran- The end of 

dolph's message to the Scotch queen. He Avas sent to ad- e,jj|,^sgy |o 

vise her about her second marriag-e ; " Her sister of Ene;- ^be queen. 
, , , . 1 , , , • , Out of his 

" land desired her to take such a person as might content instruct. 

"herself, love her people, and continue the amity with ^"?- ^^• 

" England. The two first were left to the direction of lier- 

" self and council. But as to her marrying with that fo- 

" reign prince beforesaid, that queen Elizabeth disliked of 

" it ; since it was the work of the cardinal of Lorain, an 

" enemy to her. And that such a match would endanger 

" the private amity and concord of the two nations, and the 

" advancement of the Scotch title to succeed to the English 

" crown. And that the states of England had upon the 

" rumour of this endeavoured to have somewhat concluded 

" against her. And therefore queen Elizabeth advised her 

" not to hazard the now-amity and the future expectation. 

H S 


CHAP. " But if she inclined to marry, to elect some such of noble 
XXXVIII. n jjj^ti^ within England, as might, in respect of his country, 
Anno 1663." give assurancc to the nobility and the commons of future 
" tranquillity : and so by that means to advance herself to 
" succeed. Which the queen promised she would further. 
" And that therefore she, the Scotch queen, would not re- 
" spect only the content of her own affection, and the honour 
*' of her uncle, that in her first marriage, and by his advices 
" then, had hazarded her best hopes ; but have regard to 
" the peace of her people, and the amity with "her next 
" neighbours ; from whom she had the fairest expectations. 
" Which must be done by choosing her an husband within 
" this isle, and not a stranger." She seemed to receive this 
friendly counsel with fair acceptance ; and the further con- 
sideration hereof was left to her own care and secrecy. 
444 But she cleared her uncles and herself from any purpose 

The queen ^q match with the house of Austria ; and desired to know, 
of Scots' . . ' 

answer, what pcrson the queen of England liked, or which not. 

struct^ n' -^"^ then, how she meant to proceed to declare her title to 
17. succeed to this crown. To which the queen, in her second 

instructions to Randolph, answered, that she liked such as 
might be fittest to increase and continue amity ; and that 
must not be a stranger. For with Spain, Austria, France, 
would be the like jealousy as afore. And that for declara- 
tion of her title, it depended upon her marriage ; which 
effected to the queen of England's content, she, the queen of 
Scots, should be satisfied with all reason in the other. 
The French Yov the English agent had forthwith gone back to Eng- 
largeiy. land for more full instructions both of the quality of the 
Cott. iibr. person, and declaration of the Scotch queen's title, intended 
by her sister upon the marriage. He had scarce returned 
the foresaid answer of his sovereign, by which she desired 
the eye of her sister (the better to endear her to the affec- 
tions of her people) to be cast upon some noble person of 
England ; and that withal she should be declared by parlia- 
ment cither sister or daughter heir to her majesty, deceasing 
issueless ; but the French queen and her uncle, understand- 
ing this project by Du Fois, the French ambassador here, 


dissuaded her from it, as a match too base and dishonour- CHAP, 
able for the lieight of her parentage, estate, and their alii- _____' 
ance : and knowing that with women counsel prevaileth much Anno i563. 
less than bounty, they offered her by the lord of Schelton 
(so she would observe the old and mutual respect with them, 
against their common ancient enemy) new assurance and pre- 
sent payment of her dower and pension ; wines for her provi- 
sion without impost or custom ; arms and artillery, when she 
should need ; die band of men and guards to be restored to 
her nation ; her merchants to enjoy their privileges enlarged, 
and her servants (more than before) admitted to their sus- 
pended pensions. 

In this court of faction and want, no sooner was this Advice a- 

. , , gainst her 

offered, than enforced to that height, that the queen was;„atching 
almost distracted amidst the importunity of so many private j^^^^^ ^"S- 
ends, profit, liberty, and revenge. Some said, the queen s 
spirit could not descend to match below herself; and to 
move her from her dignity was unfriendly, suspicious, and 
in a subject dangerous ; and respects of profit in princes not 
so fit, as of honour. But should she yield to marry an 
Eno-lish nobleman, it must be for the best ; and that best 
being the man her sister queen Elizabeth so much esteemed, 
it would be strange she should part with him, (for by this 
time they had some inkling of the lord Robert Dudley.) 
And for him to be divorced from that worthy room wherein 
his affections were already placed, it would but match him 
either to disloyalty or dislike: and therefore that these im- 
probabilities proved it rather a show of good-will in queen 
Elizabeth, than a good meaning. And for strength of her 
title by parliament, alas ! said they, what one will establish, 
another may revoke : but her disparagement by such a 
match would be without repair. Whereas to marry in her 
own rank would increase honour and alliance, such as might 
make her neighbours fearful to offer indignity ; and enable 
her to retain her own, and recover her right, if it should be 445 
opposed. That therefore this new offer from Austria, or the 
renewed suit from Sweden, by his ambassador then at court, 
were not to be neglected. 

H 4 



Anno 1568. 

A treaty 
for the 

Lord trea- 
surer doth 
penance in 

Such opposite counsels had queen Ehzabeth to encounter. 
But the Scotch queen, for all this, as yet stood firm to be 
directed by her sister ; referring over this business to a con- 
ference at Barwick the year ensuing. These Scotch matters 
were earnestly pursued by both queens the two following 
years ; as shall be shewn in due place. 

But this year a treaty for order of justice for the marches 
between both kingdoms was concluded, by the commissioners 
of the queen of England, Henry lord Scroop, warden of the 
west marches, and sir John Foster, of the middle marches ; 
sir Thomas Gargrave and Mr. Rookley, doctor of the law ; 
John Maxwel, of Terraglish, warden of the west marches, 
sir John Ballendine, and justice Clark, commissioners for 
the cj[ueen of Scots. 

Randolph was still the queen's agent in Scotland ; and in 
the latter end of December wrote a letter to the English 
court, wherein this was one part of his news, that the lord 
treasurer of Scotland was put to open penance for getting 
a wench with child. 

book of 


The second hook of Homilies. The queen at Cambridge. 
The disputat'ions and speeches. Mr. Fo.vs letter to her. 
Hai'ding' and Dorman their bool's. A book in English 
against the council of Trent. A convocation; prorogued. 

JL HE first book of Homilies the church of England had 
enjoyed ever since the year 1547, abating the five hard years 
of queen Mary''s reign ; and at the end of that book a se- 
cond volume was promised. Which this year, 156*4, came 
among the curates and ministers of the parishes, to be read 
(as the first book) every Sunday and holyday, where there 
were no sermons through the inability of the curates. For 
though this second volume were printed the year before, 
and finished the year before that, yet all the churches hardly 
came to be fully supplied with them till this year, as I find 


by a journal of a minister of London of that time. This CHAP. 
second book was prefaced with a serious admonition to all 

ministers ecclesiastical; "That they above all things be- Anno 1 563. 

" haved themselves faithfully and diligently in their so high JJ;jj;'„-['g' 

" a function ; that is, to read the scriptures aptly, plainly, advice to 

" and distinctly, to instruct the youth in their catechism 

" diligently, to minister the holy sacraments gravely and 

" reverently, and prudently to choose out such homihes as 

" were meet for the time, and for the more agreeable in- 

" struction of the people committed to their charge : and 

" where the homilies were too long, to divide the same ; 

" and to read one part in the morning, and the other in the 

" afternoon, &c. That so their prudence and diligence in 

" their office might appear, that the people might have cause 446 

" to glorify God for them, and the readier to embrace 

" their labours." 

Among other things the curates were here admonished to 
do, this was one, that when they should find less fit lessons 
appointed out of the Old Testament to be read in their 
order, for Sundays or holydays, they should, according to 
their discretion, choose more edifying lessons taken out of 
the New in their stead. By which passage it may seem that 
this admonition, and consequently the whole second book, 
was wrote and finished before the queen's first parliament. 
For in the act of uniformity then made, this was then pro- 
vided for, and the alteration of the lessons for the Sundays, 
as it was in the old Common Prayer Book, is taken notice 
of in that act, as one of the alterations confirmed by that 
act. So that I wonder that clause was not left out of the 
admonition, printed after the Sunday lessons were cor- The admo- 

1 nition in 

rCCteU. ^^,,g preface 

Yet I must not conceal, that Dr. George Abbot (after- Dr. Abbot 
wards archbishop of Canterbury) did reckon this li^^'i'ty '^jlJI^'^^^^^^^ 
"•ranted in the said admonition to be in force even in his sons un- 
time; and that by virtue thereof ministers might change JJ^'^gj^' 
some lessons of the Old Testament (and especially in the 
Apocrypha) for others out of the canonical scripture to read 
to the people, when they happened to be appointed to be 


CHAP, read on Sundays or holydays; saying, " It is not only per- 
'_ " mltted to the minister, but commended to him, if Avisely 

Anno 1563. " and quietly he do read canonical scripture, where the 
'* apocryphal upon good judgment seemeth not so fit; or 
" any chapter of the canonical may be conceived not to 
'' have in it so much edification before the simple, as some 
" other parts of the same canonical may be thought to have. 
" For the words will very well carry both these." 
The titles Upon what subjects the second book of Homilies should 
cond book, treat, the several titles at the end of the first declared : yet 
upon divers of them there be no homilies at all ; as against 
Covetousness, Anger, Envy, and Malice. But to make 
amends, there be some other homilies added: and in the 
year 1569, on occasion of the popish rebellion in the north, 
were six other homilies framed and joined, against Disobe- 
dience and Wilful Rebellion ; with a prayer for the queen, 
and a thanksgiving for the restoring peace and quietness 
upon the ceasing thereof. 
The queen In the queen's progress this year, she visited the univer- 
brido-e. ^ity of Cambridge on the 5th of August, remaining there 
five days, entertained with speeches and disputations, and 
The ques- in taking her view of the colleges. As proper questions 
puted on Were prudently prepared for the queen to hear at the dis- 
before the putations now to be held before her, so the ripest and most 

queen. '■ . . 

learned men were selected for the disputants. On the third 
MSS. Tiio. day a philosophy act was kept by Thomas Byng, then of 
^a er, . . pgtgj._}^Quge^ afterwards master of Clare-hall : who gave these 

two political questions ; 
Phiiosophi- Monarchia est optimus status reipublica. 

Frequens legum mutatio est periculosa. 

The opponents were, first Thomas Cartwright, sometime 
fellow of St. John''s college, then fellow of Trinity, (who 
447 afterwards made himself more known by his avowed oppo- 
sition to the established government of the church of Eng- 
land.) The others were, Chaderton, fellow of Queen's, 
Tho. Preston, and Bartholomew Clerk, fellows of King's. 
Reports have commonly been spread, that the cause of 


Cart Wright's setting himself so openly against the hierarchy CHAP, 
as he did soon after, (to the great disturbance of the peace ^^^^^• 

of the English church,) was from a disgust he took at this Anno i563. 
time ; as though the queen shewed more countenance to the 
other disputants than to him. But by the Relation of the 
queen's reception at Cambridge, (now in the hands of a 
learned member of that university,) there appears no clear 
ground for any such discontent. For the queen is said there xho. Baker, 
to have approved them all ; only that Preston pleased her ^"*^- ^^ *'"" 
most ; and was made her scholar, with the settlement of a 
yearly honorary salary on him. 

The divinity act, which was kept on the fifth day by Mr. 
Hutton, public professor of divinity, was upon these season- 
able questions, for the justifying of the reformation of reli- 
gion lately made ; 

Major est scriptures quam ecdesice auctoritas. Theological. 

Civilis magistratus habet auctoritatem in rebus eccle- 

To the former question were these doctors and heads of 
the university opponents; Hawford, vice-chancellor, Pern, 
Pory, Baker, and Newton. The doctors Stokes and Beau- 
mont opposed upon the second ; and should have been 
joined by the doctors Goodman, Kelke, and May; but 
night coming on, and the queen being to speak to the uni- 
versity, there wanted time for them. Hutton acquitted 
himself to admiration. The great strength of the opposi- 
tion lay upon Dr. Perne ; who yet gave the queen some 
offence, by pressing the church's power of excommunicat- 
ing too warmly. After the disputations were finished. Cox, 
bishop of Ely, determined on both questions. Whitgift, 
that great divine, being not yet doctor, bore no share in this 
day's solemnity. 

At the queen's parting, she made them an elegant speech The queen's 
in Latin, " Encouraging them to study, promising them *''*^"''* 
" that she would, as well as her ancestors, do some work, 
*' while she lived, to express her esteem of them ; but that, 
" if she died before she should accomplish her promise, 


CHAP. " that she would leave aliquod opus egregium^ i.e. some 
XXXIX. u glorious work, to be done after her death ; whereby both 

Anno 1563." her memory might be celebrated to posterity, and that 
" she might excite others by her example, and make them, 
" the scholars of that university, more cheerful to apply 
" their studies."" 

The orator's The university orator, William Masters, in his speech 

speech to . '' . ' . ^ 

her. nad an expression to recommend that university to her, the 

De Antiq. rather, by reason of the great antiquity of it, being, as he 
acad. * said, much ancienter than the other of Oxford; meaning 
thereby no offence to that famous university, but only to 
commend to the queen's esteem the university where she 
now was ; as having no mean or obscure beginnings, but 
high and illustrious, nor lately shot up, but founded many 
long ages ago. But this passage, howsoever, was illy taken 
by some of the Oxonians. So that two years after, when it 
fell out the queen visited them, a little tract was presented 
448 to her majesty by them, entitled, Assertio antiqidtatis aca- 
demicB Oxoniens'is ; wherein it was endeavoured to be 
proved, that the university of Oxford was much ancienter 
than that of Cambridge. This soon after (that I may here 
briefly touch this little piece of the history of learning) 
stirred up John Caius, a learned antiquarian, of the other 
university, to write a treatise, De antiqmtate Cmitahriglen- 
sis academics, in two books, which came forth in the year 
1568. And this was answered again by Brian Twine, of 
Oxford, in a book called, Jpologia antiquitatis academice 
Fox's letter J shall say no more of the contention occasioned by the 
on this oc- oi'^tor's spcech : but as for the queen's speech to the vmiver- 
casion. gity, copies of it Were gotten ; and one of them came to the 
hands of John Fox, who intended to enter it into some 
history of her, and of the beginning and progress of her 
happy reign, wliich he was tlien preparing. But on oc- 
casion of this speech, and her gracious visit of that univer- 
sity, and her countenance shewn to learning and learned 
men ; and considering also upon what good grounds both 
religion and the public state were established by her happy 


and wise government ; that learned and good man, in a very cH AP. 
elegant Latin epistle, entertained her to this tenor ; (whereby ^^^^^- 
may be seen in what good condition England now was, and Anno ises. 
how happy the queen by this time had made her people :) 

Ut vulgaria ilia praeteream, quod in ipsis statim feli- int. FoxiL 
cissimi regni tui auspiclis, tot periclitantes cives, et homines 
extorres ab exilio revocaveris ; quod patriam ipsis, nee so- 
lum ipsis, sed patriam quodammodo patriae reddideris, An- 
gliamque jamjam paene expirantem luci ac vitae suae resti- 
tueris ; quod pacem tuis illis auspiciis partam pergas quoti- 
die studiis ornare et artibus ; bonis legibus suum vigorem 
revocas, noxias tollis, salutares sufficis, nocentes et otiosos in 
ordinem redigis, latrocinia et praedonum agmina, quibus 
regnum tuum foedis modis hodie exundare dicitur, compes- 
cis, miserosque exaudis, collapsa restauras, nee monetam so- 
lum depuratam, sed mores hominum multo magis defor- 
matos, repurgas ; postremo, cuncta suo, et plusquam suo, 
nitori restituis, ac caetera id genus permulta. Quae, etsi per 
se beneficia levia non sint, et permagna etiam in aliis mo- 
narchis videri queant, tuarum tamen laudum nescio quo 
pacto, nondum satis magnitudinem exprimunt- 

Certo multo majora haec, omniumque maxima sunt, quod 
inclyta tua celsitudo rem ecclesiasticam non minus quam 
publicam, propugnas tam fortiter ; quod rehgionis curam 
atque defensionem in te suscipis tam clementer ; quod saevas 
persecutionum faces extinguis, conscientiis diu interclusam 
libertatem apperis: templum Dei et evangelicae doctrinae 
gloriam illustras ct provehis ; videhcet, modis omnibus hoc 
agens, ut profligatis sensim veteris superstitionis reliquiis, 
sincera evangelii Veritas ad nativum suum nitorem redeat. 
Declai-avit id nuper egregia vox ilia ac rcsponsio majestatis 
tuae ad quorundam preces reddita theologorum, de modo 
videlicet vestiendi. Qua voce quantam uno in die universae 
ecclesiae pepereris faustitatem, quantum piorum omnium 
animis solatium, quantum posteritati beneficium, quantum 
omnibus temporibus lucem, tum tuo insuper nomini quan- 
tum quamque immortale decus, quovis aere perennius, attu- 449 
leris, vix a?stimari poterit. Ingratae omnium Anglorum 


CHAP, linguae ac literae futurae sunt, si patiantur tarn divinum hoc, 
^^^'^" caeteraque multa tuarum virtutum trophaea, uUa temporum 

Anno 1563. vetustate abolescere. 

Accedit ad hunc cumulum singularis porro majestatis tuae 
erga literarum studia favor ; in quibus excolendis provehen- 
disque nunquam tarn propensam te declarares, nisi quod ipsa 
in eisdem exculta tam eleganter, et perpolita fuisses. Sensit 
id nuper felix Cantabrigia : nee dubito quin olim et Oxonia 
nostra idem expectatura sit. Persensimus praeterea et nos, 
etiamsi illinc abfuimus, ex oratione majestatis tuae Latina 
Cantabrigia tum habita, quae nuper ad manus meas inter 
caetera historiarum rerum monumenta, pervenit, non in- 
digna, ut mihi videtur, quae transmittatur posteritati : atque 
etiam transmittetur, siquidem tua patiatur sublimitas. In- 
terim hoc unum mihi dolet, quod cum plenam quandam 
historiae tuae descriptionem meditemur, multaque habeamus 
congesta, at multa rursus desunt, quae adhuc nobis incog- 
nita, non nisi per tuam ipsius majestatem sciri possunt. Etsi 
possent, nullius possint melius quam tuo ipsius comraenta- 
rio describi. Quod utinam ab excellenti ingenio tuo per 
hoc vitae tuae tempus et spatium possit impetrari. Sed de 
his excellentiae tuae praeconiis alias (volente Christo) nobis 
videndum erit. 

In English. This letter of Mr. Fox, affording a pleasant retrospect 
view of the queen's reign hitherto, and other matters be- 
longing to her, may deserve an English translation of it, for 
the sake of vulgar readers, though it reach not the elegance 
of the language wherein the author composed it. 

" To let pass (most noble queen) those commonly known 
" things, viz. that presently at the very beginning of your 
" most fortunate reign you saved so many good men at home 
" in great danger of their lives, and called back so many 
*' more abroad from their banishment ; that you restored 
" their own country to them, and not only to them, but the 
" country in a manner to itself; and England, then almost 
" at the very point of expiring, to its light and life again : 
" that at your said first happy beginning, having procured 
" peace, you do now every day improve it in good studies 


" and arts ; to the ffood laws you give again their force, the CHAP. 
'' bad ones you take away, and supply their room with such — ' • 

" as are wholesome ; the mischievous and the idle sort you Anno i663. 

" reduce to order ; robberies and the bands of spoilers, 

" wherewith your realm is reported at this day in a foul 

" manner to swarm, you restrain ; the afflicted you give an 

" ear to ; what is fallen and gone to decay you build up ; 

" and not only money embased, but also the manners of 

'* men much more corrupted, you purify and refine. In a 

" word, you restore every thing to its own brightness, nay, 

" more than its own : and many other things of this kind 

" you do : which although of themselves they be not ordi- 

" nary benefits, and such as in other monarchs might seem 

*' very great, yet, I know not how, do not sufficiently ex- 

" press the largeness of your praiseworthy deeds. 

" But assuredly these things that follow are much greater 450 
" still ; and of all the greatest, that your excellent highness 
" defendeth so vigorously the ecclesiastical state no less than 
" the commonwealth ; that you take upon you so afFection- 
*' ately the care and protection of religion ; that you quench 
" the direful flames of persecution ; that you open a liberty 
" to consciences so long shut up ; that you illustrate and 
" promote the temple of God and the glory of evangelical 
" doctrine ; that is, by all means endeavouring, that the re- 
" mainder of old superstition by little and little be destroyed, 
" the sincere truth of the gospel return to its native bright- 
*' ness. This was lately declared by that excellent voice 
" and answer of your majesty given to the petition of some 
" divines concerning the habits." [Which being this year 
more strictly enjoined the clergy, had occasioned certain of 
them to make some address to the queen.] " By which 
*' words then by your majesty spoken, it can scarce be 
" thought how great prosperity you did in one day bring to 
" the whole church, how great comfort to the minds of 
" all godly people, how great benefit to posterity, how 
" ffreat a light to all succeeding times ; and moreover to 
" your own name how great and how immortal an honour, 
" more lasting than any monument of brass. The tongues 


CHAP. " and learning of all Englishmen would be stained with in- 
xxxix^ " gratitude, should they suffer as well this godlike thing, as 

Anno 1563." all the other trophies of your virtues, by an antiquity of 
" time to be abolished. 

"^ Hither must be added your majesty'^s singular favour 
" towards learned studies. In the adorning and furthering 
" whereof you would never have shewn yourself so inclina- 
" ble, had you not been so exquisitely furnished and dressed 
" yourself with them. Happy Cambridge lately perceived 
" it ; and I doubt not but hereafter our Oxford also will 
" look for it. And further, we all, though absent thenee, 
*' well perceived it, by your late speech delivered there at 
" Cambridge ; which is come to my hands, (among other 
" monuments of historical matters,) not unworthy, methinks, 
■ " to be transmitted to posterity : and so it shall be trans - 
" mitted, if your highness give way to it. In the mean 
*' time this only grieves me, that when I am preparing a full 
" account of the history of yovi, and have many collections 
" serving thereunto, many things are wanting, which are 
" yet unknown to me, and cannot be known but by your 
" majesty. And if they might, they could not be described 
" better by any than by your own commentary. Which I 
" heartily wish might be obtained by your most excellent 
" wit in this time and space of your life. But of the com- 
" mendations of your excellent parts I shall elsewhere (God 
" willing) have occasion to speak." 

Had not Mr. Fox been some way or other stopped in this 
labour which he designed, who had, no question, great ad- 
vantages of setting forth queen Elizabeth, and her proceed- 
ings in this great and noble work of the reformation, and 
the progress of it, there had been no need of this perform- 
ance of mine. 

The English papists, among their other endeavours to 
bring in their religion again, exercised their learning in 
45 1 writing books in English, to confute, as well as they could, 
the estabhshed religion ; and to reconcile the people to a 
better opinion of theirs. One of these writers was Dr. 
Harding, whose book against Jewel came this summer into 


England from Lovain ; and falling into the hands of Nowell, CHAP, 
dean of St. PauPs, four days after, being the fourth Sunday 

after Easter, while he was preaching the PauFs Cross ser-^»"o '^64. 
mon, he read some passages of it, and confuted them in the gjfj'^g^""" 
pulpit. Which he thus related himself afterwards ; "Thatmonat 
" finding therein certain notable untruths and absurdities, against 
" he did bewrav them to the auditors, willing them by that Hardmg's 

• 1 T 1 1-111 books. 

" example to give less credit to the rest. Wherein he had Answer to 
" good reason, as he said, seeing the papists, who had not Dorman. 
" read the book, in corners magnified it above the stars. 
" Whereby he (as he suggested himself) did in effect give 
" neighbours warning to beware of a thief." We shall hear 
more of this book of Harding''s under the next year. 

Dorman also now set forth a book entitled, A Proof- of 
certain Articles in Religion, denied by Mr. Jewel. Which 
the said dean Nowell answered. 

The articles which this author took upon him to prove 
against JewePs negative were these four, as they are set 
down in the front of his book, viz. 

I. That the bishop of Rome is the head of Christ's uni- 
versal church here in earth ; and that within the first six 
hundred years after Christ's departure hence, he was so 
called and taken. 

II. That the people was then taught to believe, that 
Christ's body is really, substantially, corporally, carnally, 
or naturally, in the sacrament. 

III. That the communion was then ministered under one 

IV. That there was mass said at that time, although there 
were none to receive with the priest. And in the conclusion 
he assigned no less than twelve causes, whereby he acknow- 
ledged himself to have been stayed in his old Catholic faith 
that he was baptized in, wishing the same to be made com- 
mon to many for the like stay in these perilous times ; as it 
ran in the title-page. The book was printed at Antwerp, 
and dedicated to Tho. Harding, D. D. and dated at Aqui- 
cinctum, the seat of his banishment, as he called it. 



CHAP. And this year came forth, Feb. the 13th, from John 
Day's printing-house, an useful book, (though of no great 

Anno 1564. bulk,) in quarto, being a consideration of those things that 
A book were concluded in the late council of Trent. It bore this 

comes out 

against the title; A godhj and necessary Admonition of the Decrees and 
Trent! " Cauons of the Council of Trent, celebrated under Pius IV. 
bishop of Rome, in the years of our Lord 1562 and 1563. 
Written Jbr those godly disposed persons which looh'Jbr the 
amendment of doctrine and ceremonies to be made by ge- 
neral councils, lately translated out of the Latin. The de- 
sign of this book was to open the eyes of many good people, 
who out of a veneration of general councils were apt to ad- 
here with an implicit faith to the determinations of this 
' council of Trent. The method of the author (who is un- 
452 known) was first to set down the decrees, the canons, and 
other things, as he received them from Trent ; and then his 
own distinct answers or animadversions. In the preface 
is taken notice of the specious pretence of that pope in calling 
again a council of cardinals, bishops, and monks, at Trent ; 
wherein he with great glory and magnificence promised both 
the purging of doctrine from all error and heresy, and also 
a speedy amendment of manners, and such as should be 
worthy of the gospel, as well in the clergy as laity. And 
to amuse the people the more of their good intent, they of 
the clergy accuse themselves of dissolute life, and make 
themselves guilty before the whole world, as the fountains 
and authors of all evil, as the acts of the council declared. 
And now, who would not to his power help so godly and 
holy an enterprise ? But, saith the writer, if the canons and 
decrees, that came at length out of the council, were exa- 
mined, every Christian man should easily perceive, that 
these good holy fathers intended nothing less; yea, rather, 
all their labour was only to this purpose, to oppress sovmd 
doctrine ; and that being oppressed, stubbornly to defend 
idolatry, superstition, and abuses, which had been brought 
into the church of God. And hence the author declared his 
purpose to be, that seeing many men hung in doubt and 


suspense by expectation of this council, and the authority CHAP. 
thereof, and earnestly hoped for a simple, ^odly, and plain . ' 

determination of the controversies of religion; he thought Anno 1 564. 
he should do a worthy act briefly and perspicuously to de- 
clare by the word of God, what was to be judged of their 
disputations, decrees, and canons, and what was to be hoped 
for of the event of this council ; namely, that all Christians 
were called to it by Pius, not as lost sheep, to be sought and 
healed of the pastor ; but the safety of the faithful to be 
laid in wait for, and the sheep of Christ like to be torn in 
pieces, even as it were of wolves in sheeps"* clothing. 

The convocation met this year, October the 6th, in king A comoca- 
Henry the Seventh's chapel, by authority of the queen"'s 
brief to the archbishop of Canterbury. And Dr. Yale, by 
the archbishop's commission to him, did continue and pro- 
rogue the present convocation in the state it then was in, to 
the first day of May next, and to that place, with further 
prorogation of days and places, if need were, to be made in 
that behalf. 



J diary of various historical matters of the court and state 
falling out this year. John Hales''s book. The Scotch 
queen's match with Leicester. Spanish and French 

JLiET me take this place to insert a diary of various his- 
torical matters, taken chiefly out of advices and private let- 
ters sent from the secretary of state to sir Thomas Smith, 
ambassador in France, containing several intrigues of court, 453 
and transactions of moment in the state. 

April the 22d, the treaty with the French took place : Treaty with 
and this day it was proclaimed in London. And the ^^^ cl^^^A.^ 
day, a sermon was made at St. Paul's on the occasion, and 
Te Deum sung. And the same day it was published at 
Windsor in the queen's presence, going to church ; having 
with her the French ambassador : so as nothing wanted to 

I 2 


CHAP, shew contentation. Yet her majesty inwardly to the secre- 
tary, and other her counsellors, shewed much misliking; 
Anno 1 564. especially, as the said secretary guessed, because the money 
was no more for honour's sake ; [which was to be paid for 
Calais, I suppose ;] Camden therefore thought fit to conceal 
the sum, and saith only, " a certain sum of money ;" and 
upon payment of 620,000 crowns, the hostages to be de- 
The French On the Said 23d day, being St. George"'s day, the French 
into the°*^" king was chose of the order, and so was the earl of Bedford 
order. and sir Henry Sydney. And the earl of Hunsdon was to 
bring over the order into France ; and so was to have com- 
mission to require the oath jointly with sir Tho. Smith, the 
queen"'s ambassador resident there. And the same joyful 
day the French hostages were put to liberty at Windsor ; 
where she challenged Nantoillet [one of the hostages, as it 
seems,] for his practices in Oxford ; provoking evil subjects 
to be worse in popery than they were. But she right wisely 
and nobly thus concluded her reprimand, that she would 
wrap up all such matters with oblivion, because of peace. 
And as soon as the treaty was engrossed and ratified, sir 
Nic. Throgmorton, the queen''s joint ambassador with Smith, 
[who was kept in some durance, for meddling too much,] 
was to be returned. And therefore all the haste possible 
was made therein for his sake. 
A chain of Malvesier, the French ambassador, in this treaty, had a 
to the'*^^° chain given him weighing threescore and odd ounces of gold, 
French ara- and was well used in England, 

The 29th of April, -the two treaties of peace with France 
were sealed with the queen's ratification, and delivered to 
the ambassador in formal sort by the secretary, according to 
the advice of Dr. Wotton, an old ambassador ; and with the 
testimony of a public notary. Together with the treaty. 
The queen the queen wrote a letter to the French king, signifying that 
writes to g}jg i^j^^ chosen him of her order, and that the earl of Huns- 

tlie French . . 

king. don should come with it ; and that he should be jomed m 

commission with sir Tho. Smith, her ambassador resident, to 
require the oath. 


John Hales, clerk of the hanaper, a learned and active CHAP, 
man, and an earnest protestant, had secretly made a book " 

in the time of the late parhament. Wherein he had taken Anno i5G4. 
upon him to shew no small matter, viz. the title to this crown " y^'*^''^,^. 
after the queen; having confuted and rejected the line of cemiugtUe 
the Scottish queen, and made the line of the lady Frances, cession to 
mother to the lady Katharine Gray, only next and lawful, ti'e crown. 
He was in this month of April committed to the Fleet for ^^J 
this boldness; especially, because he had communicated it 
to sundry persons. The lord John Gray was also in trouble 
for this business. Besides, the said Hales had procured sen- 
tences and counsels of lawyers from beyond seas, to be writ- 454 
ten in maintenance of the earl of Hertford's marriage with 
the said lady Katharine. [For which they were both put 
into the Tower.] For this dealing offended the queen very 
much : the secretary, after he had related all this in a letter 
to sir Thomas Smith, made this prayer : " That God would 
*' give her majesty by this chance a disposition to consider 
" hereof; that either by her marriage, or by some common 
" order, they her poor subjects might- know where to lean 
" and aventure their lives, with contentation of their con- 
" sciences." 

In the beginning of May, Hales''s matter came to be exa- He is ex- 
mined and inquired into by the secretary ; a business he s™\"to\he 
had no great mind to be concerned with, and could have Fleet, 
been well contented to be delivered of. But yet he told his 
friend, sir Tho. Smith aforesaid, that he would go up- 
rightly, neither ad dextram nor ad sinistram. He himself 
was not free of suspicion, by reason some of these persons 
eno;ao;ed in this business had access to him in their suits. 
But as for Hales, he was found after examination to have 
first made and procured books in defence of the earl of 
Hertford's marriage, [which was no more than a contract 
by their mutual assent,] and likewise, in approbation of the 
title of succession for the lady Katharine. And in this 
matter he so dealt, that both himself and others were like to 
find trouble. He was committed to the Fleet, and narrowly 
escaped going to the Tower. Nudigate, another in this 



CHAP, business, was committed to custody to sir John Mason. 
^^' And the lord John Gray was in custody in court. We 
Anno 1564. shall hear more of this by and by. 

The article One article in the late treaty of peace with France 
aboit com-^ created some trouble to the court, namely, that commerce 
i""<=^- should he free. There had been a stop made of the inter- 
course, that is, the trade betwixt this kingdom and the Low 
Countries ; wherein the English traded chiefly with the 
clothing manufacture. The French merchants at tliis junc- 
ture would have struck into this trade by some means or 
other. And the French king instructed the French am- 
bassador residing here, to make strong and earnest motion 
about it : which he did in the month of September. This 
motion was by no means liked by the English; and the 
queen wrote a letter at large about it to Smith, her ambassa- 
dor in France. The sum of the French's demands in this 
point was, to exact by the treaty, that although the EngUsh 
had and did forbid both their own merchants, and those of 
the Low Countries, the trade of the Low Countries, [as the 
duchess of Parma, governess of those countries, had forbid 
English cloths to be brought thither,] yet the French might 
now enter into the trade, wherein they never heretofore did 
meddle ; but now, partly to pleasure them of the Low Coun- 
tries, partly, or chiefly, to procure a gain by monopoly, 
they would exercise that negotiation. This made this court 
think it necessary now to return to the trade of the Low 
Countries, [the English having lately upon this prohibition 
removed their mart to Embden in Friesland :] for though 
it were to great purpose to divert some part of their trade 
from thence, and was seen to be possible ; yet the matter 
was not so foreseen, considering it fell out upon a casualty, 
455 that our country should be presently able to endure the 
holding out. One of the greatest lets was the lack of the 
revenue of the customs for the queen. The second was the 
sudden stay of the people here at home, that belonged to 
cloth-making; as the secretary in private letters signified 
the politic considerations of the state about it. 
The inter- ^^d therefore now upon the return of the queen from her 


progress in the north, the court thought to come to some CJIAI'. 
conclusion with the Spanish ambassador concerning the 

affair of the intercGurse. Which ambassador began the Anno i6b"4. 
motion for it before the said progress : now upon her return 
he renewed it again, and required a new communication. 
Which accordingly soon began this month of September, 
between the Spanish ambassador, for the Flemings, and sir 
AVilUam Petre, sir John Mason, and secretary Cecil, on the 
English part. 

In this month of September, upon the death of the em- Persons to 
peror, the queen intended to send some person thither to ^^^^j^" ^^y*^ 
condole and congratulate. And reports were whispered in to condole 
the queen's privy chamber, who should be sent in this em-j,..,.or's 
ploy. Some said that sir Henry Sydney was to be the per-'^eath. 
son ; some, sir Nicolas Throgmorton ; some, sir Nicolas 
Throgmorton and Cecil the secretary should go together. 
A few said, that sir Nicolas Throgmorton and my lord 
Robert should eo. But more was meant than condolence 
or congratulation. It Avas an intention for marriage. But 
tiie secretary, for his present sickness and affairs at home, 
was excused; and Throgmorton would go with none but 
the secretary. So he was laid aside. And in October sir 
Henry Sydney was named again ; but being in Wales, he 
must spend much time before he could be ready. So, as it 
was the secretary's advice, time being so far spent, it was 
thought convenient to stay the ambassade, and to condole 
only ; and to send hereafter to congratulate the coronation. 

September the 23d, the emperor being dead, it was re- The em- 
solved his funerals should be here honourably celebrated P"||[ * J"' 
within six or seven days hence. And so they were, the so- lemnized. 
lemnities beginning October 1, and ending the 3d. The 
mourners were, the lord treasurer, the earls of Sussex and 
Huntingdon ; the lords Strange, Dai-nley, Herbert, Lumley, 
and Hunsdon; Mr. Solicitor, Mr. Vice-chamberlain, secre- 
tary Cecil, Mr. Sackvile, and Mr. Throgmorton. And the 
bishop of London preached : who made so good and discreet uishop of 
a sermon, that it was resolved it should be printed both in ^"p'^'j.",",. 

I 4 


CHAP. English and Latin. The queen was at great charges with 
these exequies of the deceased emperor. 

Anno 1564. Jn October the lord Robert was made earl of Leicester; 
bert made ^^^ ^^^ preferment in Scotland [to match with that queen] 
earl of Lei- earnestly intended. 

ccstcr* " 

And Randolph, the queen's agent in Scotland, was in- 
favours the structed to shew the Scotch queen, that her majesty"'s kind 
Scotch dealing with the earl of Lenox fin letting him peaceably 

queens /^ _ _ ■- or ^j 

title. pass into Scotland at this juncture] gave such general dis- 

taste, that she was fain to adjourn the parliament, [which 
should have met about this time,] against the opinion of 
her council and commons ; lest they should in this time of 
offence question the queen of Scots'" title, and press the queen 
of England to conclude somewhat against it. Which, by 
some good courses to content the English, might be altered 
456 against their next sitting. And to work this, she had given 
order to the earl of Bedford at Berwick, to meet with the 
commissioners of Scotland to treat the marriage for the earl 
of Leicester, whom she had made an earl on purpose. 
A meeting November the 18th, the earl of Murray and lord Lidding- 
matchinff^ ton met at Berwick, and treated with the earl of Bedford 

with Lei- for the said marriao-e : but differed upon the matter of his 
cester. . 

advancement : and they writ to know, whether the queen of 

England meant it truly or no. 

Intercourse j^ November, the Spanish ambassador and the secretary, 
opened . . , • 1 <> • xt 

■with the With some Others, agreed upon articles 01 tntercourse. No- 
Low Coun- vember 19, they were sent to the duchess of Parma. But the 
English court began to find, that the English commodities 
would be well enough uttered, though the intei'course 
should not be opened for the Low Countries: for they 
found the strangers ready to carry all our cloths. But the 
inconvenience was, that all our own merchants should 
Murray and In this month the lords of Murray and Liddington were 
uptn'th^e"'^ upon the frontiers, treating friendly with our wardens for 
frontiers, border-matters. But that was thought but a colour to deal 
upon another matter; namely, to commune concerning a 


marriage for the queen [of Scots with the earl of Leicester, CHAP. 

-, XL. 

as It seems. J 

And this month also the Rhinegrave was on his way from Anno i564, 
France hither, with the order [of St. Michael] for the earl '^'dJlent 

of Leicester. to Leicester. 

To this month of November the queen continued her dis- Hales still 
pleasure to John Hales, for his Jbolhh attempt (as the se^ '1"^,^^^^ : and 
cretary called it) in writing that book, so precisely against tiie lord 
the queen of Scots' title : he remained still in the Tower, ,,"|!g" ^^l 
and in some danger for a particular passage. The lordt^ou't- 
keeper also [concerned in that business] was kept from 
the court, and from intermeddling with any other thing but 
the chancery. Whereof surely, said Cecil to his correspond- 
ent, the [state] affairs took great harm ; and he [the lord 
keeper] himself not void of peril by heaviness of mind. 

November the 21st, the lord John Gray [another under Lord Jolm 
a cloud for meddling in the matter concerning the queen of ^^^ 
Scots] died at his house at Pyrgo. Of whom men reported, 
that he died of thought ; but his gout was sufficient to have 
ended his life. 

In this month the lord Arundel [lord high steward of the Earl of 
household] remained as a prisoner in his own house. His confined to 
offence was, that being miscontented with sundry things, as his house, 
he said, of interruption in his office, he surrendered his 
staff, with sundry speeches of offence, to the queen's ma- 
jesty. Whereof he was afterwards sorry. " But," said the 
secretary, " I wish he had better thought thereon before." 

Since his committing he offended again, by using his 
house too openly for the resort of strangers to him. But af- 
terwards he used his imprisonment circumspectly, and made 
all means to crave favour: but his suits were heard slowly, 
because he did not acknowledge himself a faulter. 

This month the earl of Hertford [who had for some time Earl of 
remained a prisoner in the Tower for the business between ^,^^^ °^^, 
him and the lady Katharine Grey] remained prisoner with John Ma- 
sir John Mason ; and the said lady Katharine [who had ^°"' 
been removed from the Tower to the lord John Grey, her 45*^ 
uncle] was now with Petre [secretary of state.] 


CHAP. December the 9th, the queen fell perilously sick. Her 
.distemper came to that which they call diarrhcea. They 

Amio 1564. feared a flux. But the 15th day, though she was somewhat 
ukeu skk Weakened, but in health, she would attend her affairs. The 
16th, she was very well. But for the time she made the 
court sore afraid. The pious reflection the secretary made 
upon it was, " Thanked be God for both : for of both we 
*' take good. Warned by her sickness, and comforted by 
" her recovery." 

Offer of the December the French ambassador coming from his 

der for two master with off'er to the queen for two of her courtiers to 
whom the ]^q admitted to the order ; on Saturday, December the 16th, 

queen i i i i i • • i 

would. or on Sunday the 17th, he had his answer concernmg the 
queen^'s acceptation of that king's offer for the two rooms of 
his order. 
The Scotch Secretary Cecil, December 16, writes by order of the 
•^"^i^JJ^gJJJj^queen to Murray and Liddington, to hinder the matter of 
be declared. Darnley with that queen ; and that her title should be de- 
clared by parliament upon her marriage with Leicester, 
after the queen of England was married herself. And so 
her desire granted, to be declared either JiUa adoptiva^ or 
soror regince, i. e. adoptive daughter, or sister to the queen. 
The inter- December the 29th, beino; Sunday, the Spanish ambas- 

course ° . . -' . i • i i i j 

signed by sador presented the queen a wntmg, signed with the hand 
the duchess ^ j ^j^ j^ggg ^f Parma. And the 31st, he received the 

of Parma. _ ' 

like from the queen. So as by calculation the intercourse 
was made on new-year's-day. And the English commis- 
sioners were to be ready at the sea-side about the 26th of 
January ; viz. the earl of Sussex the chief, Mr. Doctor Wot- 
ton the second, and Mr. Haddon the third. 
Our nier- In the same month, great suit was made by them of Bru- 
keep their gcs to have our merchants to keep their fairs there. The 
fairs at count of Egiiiond Sent and writ hither for that purpose. 
And our merchants, upon a stomach against Antwerp, were 
well disposed to the said place, and the haven was now also 
made, and would serve very well. But the trade to Embden 
not to be forsaken, ne forte Romani, Sec 

December the 29th, the French ambassador was with the 


queen, to deal in two principal matters. The one, to know CHAP, 
her pleasure for the offers made of the king his master, to ' 

choose my lord of Leicester, or any others to be named by Anno 1564. 
her, to be of the French order. Whercunto the queen signi- '^''^ French 

. . ambassador 

fied, that she resolved to have the earl 01 Leicester to be ^aits upon 
chosen for one; but for the second place she would here- *'^"^ 1"^^"- 
after advise the king herself. The second matter was to 
know her pleasure in the former suit made, that the French 
king's subjects might resort with commodities from the 
king of Spain's Low Countries hither. Wherein about ten 
days past he had a long debate with the council, and would 
not be therewith satisfied ; although they shewed him what 
sir Thomas Smith, ambassador with the French king, had 
written ; and how the said English ambassador found the 
king and his council satisfied with his answers made. But 
now the council had a very ready answer for him ; that is, 
because they had not prohibited the French but for a sea- 
son during differences with Flanders. But being now at an 
accord with them, he should see that liberty should be 
given shortly to all persons ; and then the French might do 458 
their pleasure. This knowledge given him of this accord of 
the English seemed to answer him fully ; and he said he 
was thereof fully glad. 

In the same month, means were now made, that sir Nic. Earl of Sus- 
Throgmorton should go to the French ambassador with re- ^^^^^^^j^" ^'^ 
port, that upon instance made by my lord of Leicester, her French or- 
majesty would name my lord of Sussex fqr the second 
party [to enjoy the French order.] 

A parliament was lately in Scotland ; wherein nothing Pariianunt 
was done, but the restitution of the earl of Lenox : for, for '" 
my lady's claim to Angush, by reason of the greatness of the 
earl of Morton, being chancellor, nothing was attempted. 

The earl of Lenox's friends wished, that the lord Darnley The h)rd 
might marry with the Scottish queen. And there was a de- „,arryTi,J* 
vice to bring queen Elizabeth not only to allow thereof, but Scotch 
also to move it to the queen her sister. But there was how- 
ever no disposition thereto in our queen : but she rather 
continued her desire to have the earl of Leicester preferred 


CHAP, that way: for which purpose the earl of Bedford the last 
•^^' month met at Berwick with the lord Murray and the lord 
Anno 1564. Liddington: but yet the meeting covered with other mat- 
ters : but now of late it was from thence renewed ; to know 
with what condition the queen's majesty would prefer him. 
Wherein at present no full answer was given. She was very 
desirous to have this earl placed in that high degree, to be 
the queen of Scots' husband : but when it came to condi- 
tions which were demanded, then she was remiss of her 
The inter- December 30, the proclamation was made for the open- 
opened. ^"S of ^^^^ intercourse. But the frost now was so violent, 
that it was feared, that weather would so shut it up, that 
no ships should pass or repass. 
The queen ^\\e queeu uow fully recovered of a great cold, the same 
30th day came abroad ; and would sign letters formerly 
drawn up to the French king, and her ambassador sir Tho. 
Dispjea- The queen*'s displeasure continued still towards my lord 

a"atnstthe of Hertford and the lady Katharine. And the lord keeper 
earl of remained vet (as he did before) absent from the court. And 

Hertford. -^ . \ . . ™, i ,. * n i i- 

Hales remamed m prison. The earl oi Arundel now at li- 
berty to go whither he would, and to be visited by whom 
he would. But yet he could not come to her majesty's pre- 
sence ; although he was in hope so to do shortly. 
Theambas- Ditto, sir Thomas Chaloner, ambassador in Spain, was 
turn[n^<'^' ^°^^ ^° ^^ Called home. Which was intended a twelvemonth 
from Spain, past, but prolonged hitherto upon the differences risen for 
stay of the intercourse. Which things were now come to 
some calm. He was to leave a secretary behind him, until 
one might be procured to go thither. Which was found hard 
to do, principally for the difference of religion. For else Mr. 
Henry Knolles should go. But the present thoughts among 
the privy counsellors was of sending Mr. John Hastings, or 
some such like, if they could find out a person of better 
estate. If they might, they could be content to have their 
ambassador resident in the Low Countries, and none in 
Spain. For there nothing was negotiated at all. 


Chaloner writ over concerning the ringing of a bell in CHAP. 
Melilla in Aragon, without knowledge by whom, but of it- ^^- 

self. Anno 1564. 

In the Christmas holydays the Spanish ambassador meant 459 

to feast the court, who had been long; in beginning: so to "^''"^ '^P'*" 
. ' . . %, 111 "'*'' ""tl 

do ; havmg example sufhcient m the French ambassador ; French am- 

who very often of late had invited the earl of Leicester, and ^'^^^j^'^"'"* 

•^ ' feasting the 

such as had accompanied him. court. 

Such great amity was now between the French ambassa- 
dor and Throgmorton, as was strange to see, considering 
the hate that Throgmorton had borne him. 


Contest about ministers' apparel. The queeti's letter there- 
upon. Ministers cited bejbre the commission. The adver- 
tisements. Sainpson and Humphrey of Oxford cited to 
Lambeth, with some ministers of London. 

JL HE contention about wearing the apparel prescribed to Many re- 
ministers by the queen"'s Injunctions began early, namely, [jj^^j^^jj^*^^*^ 
the gown, the square cap, and the tippet to those that were appointed 
qualified, and, in their ministration, the surplice. Many ters^""** 
well meaning men, chiefly such as had lived in the churches 
abroad, (where they were not used,) utterly refused these ha- 
bits, upon these grounds, that they were popish, and used by 
the priests in the idolatrous church of Rome, and invented 
by the pope, and a note of Antichrist. That they defiled the 
priesthood of Christ, as if it stood in need of shadows, when 
it was light itself. That they did not edify, but obscure the 
priesthood of Christ. That they increased pride and hypocrisy. 
That the commandment of garments and days was a tyranny. 
That they gave occasion to pomp. That they were an hu- 
man invention. That Polydore in his book derided those De inven- 
garments. That Paul commanded nothing concerning gar-^°|^ ' ^' 
ments, when he mentioned the things required in a bishop. 
And that our Saviour saith, In vain do they worship me by 
the comviandments of men. These were the sum of their ar- 


CHAP, guments that first opposed the habits, as I collect them from 
some MSS. of secretary Cecyirs. A few years after, Tho- 

Anno 1664. mas Cartwright unproved the arguments against the lawful- 
D*-^wh?t "^^^ °^ wearing them, viz. " That they were unmeet for a 
gift, ill " minister of the gospel to wear ; and the surplice espe- 
Defence " cially more than the other two, [i. e. cap and tippet,] be- 
p. 256. « cause such hurtful ceremonies were so much more dan- 
" gerous, as they did approach nearer the service and wor- 
" ship of God. That the papists had superstitiously used 
*' them, nay abominably abused them. That they had no 
" use nor profit. And that they were hurtful, being monu- 
" ments of idolatry. And some had taught, that pollution 
" did stick to the things themselves ; and that the wear- 
" ing of them had power to pollute and make unclean the 
" wearers." 
The occa- These charges and accusations of the habits enjoined, as 
much con- they caused great wrangling and breach of peace among the 
tention. clergy themselves ; so the lay people were growing into an 
460 abhorrency of those that wore them, and of the service of 
God ministered by them. Insomuch that soon after, num- 
bers of them refused to come to the churches or sermons, 
or to keep the ministers company, or salute them : nay, as 
Whitgift in his Defence writes, they spit in their faces, re- 
viled them in the streets, and shewed such like rude be- 
haviour towards them ; and that only because of their ap- 
The queen's The queen understoo(^ these quarrels, and was much of- 
the^arch- fended at this disobedience to her Injunctions, and the great 
bishop here- disorders among the ministers on this occasion. Whereupon 
she wrote a letter, dated the 25th of January this year, 
to the archbishop; to take away all diversity among the 
clergy, as breeding nothing but contention and breach of 
common charity ; and that he should peremptorily see or- 
der in the habits observed by all ecclesiastical persons 
throughout the churches of his province. And a letter of 
the like tenor she wrote to the archbishop of York for the 
other province. 
tents*^of her ^^^' letter was large and earnest : first setting forth how 


diversity, variety, contention, vain love of singularity, either CHAP. 
in the ministers or the people, must needs provoke Al- 

mighty God, and was to her discomfortable, and brought Anno 1 564. 
danger of ruin upon her people and country : that her 
earnest care and desire had been always to provide that her 
realm might be directed and governed by good laws and 
ordinances, both in ecclesiastical and civil polity, by public 
officers and ministers, following, as near as possibly might 
be, one rule, form, and manner of order : and directing her 
people to obey humbly, and live godly, according to their 
several callings, in unity and concord, without diversities 
of opinions, or novelty of rites and manners. But that to her 
no small grief she heard, that in sundry places of late, for 
lack of regard given thereto by such superior officers as 
he, the archbishop, and other bishops of his province, with 
suffering of sundry varieties and novelties both in opinions, 
and especially exterior ceremonies, there was crept and 
brought into the church by a few persons, an open and ma- 
nifest disorder and offence to godly, wise, and obedient 
persons : the inconvenience like to grow from place to place 
as by an infection, to the annoyance and deformity of the 
rest of the whole body ; and to impair and deface Christian 
charity and unity. 

That she had a good while heard sundry reports thereof; 
but did hope all could not be true, but mistrusted the ad- 
versaries of the truth might increase the report. And she 
thought that he, being primate and metropolitan, would have 
had regard thereto according to his office, with the assist- 
ance of the bishops his brethren ; they having received 
charge of her for the same purpose, to put a stop to these 
differences, tending to schism and deformity. But that she 
had observed very lately, that the same began rather to in- 
crease than to stay or diminish. That therefore she, consider- 
ing the authority given her of God for the defence of pub- 
lic peace and truth in the church, meant not any longer to 
suffer these evils thus to proceed, spread, and increase in 
her realm ; but certainly determined to have all sucli diver- 
sities and novelties among the clergy and people, (breediiig 


CHAP, nothing but contention and offence, and being against the 
^^^' laws, good usages, and ordinances of the realm,) to be re- 
Anno 1564. formed and repressed, and brought to one manner of uni- 
4^1 formity through the whole realm. That her people might 
quietly honour and serve Almighty God in truth and con- 
cord, peace and quietness. 
Her com- Therefore she did by her letters require and enjoin, and 
archbbho''^ straightly charge him, being the metropolitan, according to 
the power and authority that he had under her over the 
province of Canterbury, (as she would order the like for the 
province of York,) to confer with the bishops, such as were 
in commission for causes ecclesiastical ; and also all other 
her officers and persons, having jurisdiction ecclesiastical, 
both in the universities and other places, exempt or not ex- 
empt ; and to understand what varieties there were in the 
clergy, or among the people within every jurisdiction, either 
in doctrine or in ceremonies and rites of the church, or in 
the manners and behaviours of the clergy themselves : and 
thereupon, as the causes should require, to require reforma- 
tion; and to proceed by orders, injunctions, or censures, 
according to appointment of laws and ordinances provided 
by act of parliament, and the true meaning thereof: and in 
time to come, charging him straightly, to provide and en- 
join in her name, in all places of his province, that none 
hereafter be admitted into any office, cure, or place eccle- 
siastical, but such as should be found well disposed to com- 
mon order; and before their admittance, should formally 
profess to use and exercise the same office, room, and place, 
to the honour of God, edification of the people under his 
charge in truth and concord; and also to keep and main- 
tain such order and uniformity in all external rites and ce- 
remonies, both for the church and for their own person, 
as by law and good usages were already allowed and well 
provided. And that if any superior officer were hereafter 
found disagreeable hereto, and so the archbishop's autho- 
rity not serve to reform them, that he should duly inform her 
thereof; to the end that she might give indelayed order for 
the same. For she would have none that maintained the 


same to remain in authority. And so the sovereign aiitho- CHAP. 

rity should be violated. 1_ 

And she required him to use all expedition, as to such a^""*^ ^^^'*- 
cause was necessary, that hereafter she might not be occa- 
sioned, for lack of his diligence, to provide such other fur- 
ther remedy by some other sharp proceedings, as should 
percase not be easy to be borne by such as should be dis- 
ordered ; and withal impute to him the cause thereof. 
See this letter of the queen's to the archbishop at full 
length in the Appendix to Bishop Parker's Life, Book II. 
No. 24. 

It was time for the archbishop, by such a letter as this The arch- 
was from his sovereign, to follow this cause. So within two ^vams'the 
days, he by his own letter to the bishop of London ac- bishops of 
quainted him with her commands : and charged him to sig- pleasure. 
nify the same to the rest of the bishops in his province, for 
the laws and ordinance sestablished to be without delay 
executed : and that they should send up such of their 
clergy as would not comply with the habits and the other 
rites of the ch urch. And to the said bishop of London he gave 
a particular charge for London ; there being in that city 
and the suburbs the greatest number of ministers i-efusing 
the apparel, and they of the best learning of that sort. 

In the mean time the archbishop, and the other bishops 462 
that were ecclesiastical commissioners, viz. London, Ely, ^^^verai 
Winchester, Lincoln, and others, sitting at Lambeth, had the ecciesi- 
several of these refusers before them, and some of them of "^*'™'*^°'"' 

' _ mission ; 

the universities. They argued gently with them, exhorted 
them to obey the orders of the church, and threatened them 
with deprivation in case of their standing out. But this bu- 
siness went on heavily among the bishops in their several 
dioceses, but especially in London ; those here that op- 
posed wearing the habits well knowing, that they had the 
earl of l^eicester, sir Francis Knolles, and some others, their 
friends at court and council. 

But at last, about the latter end of March 1564, the Lon And espe- 
don ministers, together with those of the archbishop's pecu- London"' 
liars in the said city, and those of Southwark, were all cited ministers. 



CHAP, before the ecclesiastical commissioners that sat at Lambeth. 
And there they were all peremptorily required to promise 

Anno 1564. and subscribe conformity to the habits prescribed; which 
The habits Were, a long gown, close at the hands, and without any 
what"*^ ' falling cape ; dignitaries to wear tippets of sarcenet when 
they went abroad ; and a cap, and no hats, but when they 
were in a journey : and likewise to the rites of the Common 
Prayer, the Thirty-nine Articles, and the queen''s Injunc- 
tions ; or to be deprived within three months. And as most 
did subscribe at that time, so about thirty stood out, and 
were suspended. But many of these, within the three months, 
came in. The rest were actually deprived. 
The book And iu pursuance of the queen's letter beforementioned, 
tisements. Commanding the conformable behaviour of ministers, the 
archbishop, and some more of the bishops, especially those 
that were commissioners, drew up a book for all ministers 
to subscribe to; partly for due order in the pubUc admini- 
stration of the holy saciaments, and partly for apparel of all 
persons ecclesiastical. It consisted of these articles : I. For 
doctrine and preaching. II. For administration of prayers 
and sacraments. III. For certain orders in ecclesiastical po- 
lity. IV. For outward apparel of persons ecclesiastical. 
V. A form of protestation to be made, professed, and sub- 
scribed, by them that should be hereafter admitted to any 
office, room, or cure, in any church, or other place ecclesi- 
astical. Which is the same with what was enjoined to mi- 
nisters, anno 1560. All this book was signed and subscribed 
by the composers, the aforesaid metropolitan and bishops : 
whereof four were commissioners ecclesiastical. They de- 
signed this book should have been enforced upon the 
clergy, by getting the queen's ratification, and as a book 
of decrees proceeding from her, by their advice and as- 
sent. But the queen declining to sign it, (however she 
had, in her foresaid letter to the archbishop, commanded 
him, with others of the connnission ecclesiastical, to proceed 
by orders and injunctions, and in her name to enjoin them,) 
this labour of theirs lost much of its power and efficacy. 
But she was persuaded not to add her own immediate 


authority to the book by some great persons at court, be- CHAP, 
cause, upon their suggestion, she said, the archbishop's au- 

thority and the commissioners alone were sufficient. And Anno 1 564. 
so instead of calUng them articles or ordinances^ they only 463 
named them advertisements. They are set down in bishop 
Sparrow's Collection. 

These orders, (called now advertisements,^ by the metro- Their de- 
politan and some ecclesiastical commissioners drawn up, if ^'^^' 
the queen had established them, would have had the strength 
of tlie law, by a proviso in the act for the Uniformity of the 
Common Prayer and Service : viz. " That if there should i Eiiz. 
" appear any contempt or irreverence to be used in the ce-'^'^'''^' 
" remonies or rites of the church, by misusing of the order 
" appointed in that book, the queen might, by advice of 
" her commissioners ecclesiastical, or the metropolitan, or- 
" dain and publish such further ceremonies and rites, as 
" might be most for the advancement of God's glory, the 
" edifying of his church, and the due reverence of Christ's 
" holy mysteries and sacraments." By virtue of this clause, 
I suppose it was, the metropolitan framed these orders, in 
expectation of the queen's interposing her authority to or- 
dain them ; which, without it, proved afterwards but weak 
and languid. 

But by this spur to the bishops given them by the queen. The diii- 
as was shewn before, and by reason of the great need there f!'"'^'^"*^*'"' 

' -^ ° _ bishops. 

more and more appeared to be, to look more narrowly into 
churchmen's uniformity, for peace and order sake, both 
they and their officers did now examine more carefully into 
the behaviour of their inferior clergy ; and laid upon them 
the obligation of divers oaths and subscriptions, especially 
in London : besides letters that often came from the queen, 
lier council, and the archbishop. And in each parish, be- 
sides ordinary officers, were other officers appointed under 
oath to inquire into the carriage and conformity of the mi- 
nisters and parishioners, and to give in their presentments, 
when required, as at visitations of the bishops, archdea- 
cons, &c. Which notwithstanding created an uneasiness 

V 9 


CHAP, among the ministers; as may be seen by these two papers 
" following : written by a minister in those times. 

Anno 1564. Note^ That every man that hath cure of souls is infolded 
of hhn*t'hat % ^^^^ '^^^^ ^^ keep and obey, I. The sacred canonical word 
had cure of of God. II. The Statutes of the realm. III. The queen's 
Mssijoh. majesty's injunctions, and formal letters patents. IV. The 
D Ep. letters of the lords of the privy council. V. The metropo- 
litan his injunctions and articles. VI. The articles and man- 
dates of his bishop. VII. The articles and mandates of Mr. 
Archdeacon. VIII. Themandatesof chancellors or commis- 
saries, sompners, receivers, &c. IX. The comptrolment of 
all men with patience. 
The state The Other paper sheweth the state of a parish. To every 

of a parish. • i i i i t « • i i 

parish belongetli, 1. A parson, or vicar, or both, or a cu- 
rate under him. II. A clerk, to read, write, sing, and say. 

III. A sexton, to sweep the church, shut the doors, &c. 

IV. Two churchwardens to gather money, and order mat- 
ters for reparation. V. Four or eight jurats for offences 
given and taken. [These seem to be a kind of censors or 
spies upon the manners of priest and people.] VI. Two col- 
lectors, to gather for the poor, and alms 'pro liospitio 
Christi. [Probably for Christ"'s hospital in London.] 

VII. An assistance, being thirteen persons, to consist of 
464 such only as had before been churchwardens and constables. 

VIII. A vestry, of the whole parish, being a public assem- 
bly of all, young and old. IX. Two constables for the 
peace, both of the church and parish. But now let us re- 
turn, and see what was further done about the habits. 

Sampson Among those that were sent for up before the commis- 

fre ■ before ^^o^iers at Lambeth, as refusers to wear the habits, were two 
the com- very eminent men of Oxford, Sampson and Humfrey, 
heads of the chief colleges, the one of Christ's church, the 
other of St. Magdalen's. They appeared about the begin- 
ning of March, together with some London ministers. The 
archbishop then persuaded them to comply, urging the 
queen's letters, and the great inconvenience of these va- 
rieties: and withal he shewed them the judgment of two 




great learned foreigners for wearing of these habits, viz. CHAP. 
Martin Bucer and Peter Martyr : both whose letters may ^'^^^^ 

be read in Dr. Whitgift's Defence. But all could not pre- Anno i564. 
vail: for upon their next appearance they remained im- 
movable in their opinion. They wrote also a letter to the 
commissioners, shewing their reasons of their refusal ; and 
so earnestly petitioning to be dismissed, and that they might 
go home to their charges. But they were forced still to wait 
on the commissioners ; till in fine they were told by the 
archbishop, that they must depart their places. 

While thev thus stood out, Horn, bishop of Winchester, Bishop 

f / 1 1 1 1 Jewel will 

notwithstanding, presented Humfrey (whether by that way not admit 
to persuade him to conform, I know not) to a living in the ","'^"|,g^j^** 
diocese of Sarum. But Jewel, the bishop, would not admit his diocese, 
him. And on this occasion wrote to the archbishop a letter 
about it, dated December 22, 1565 ; " That in respect of m^^^ ^ 
" his vain contention about apparel, he thought best to make Epist. Piiu. 
" a stay, till he understood his grace's pleasure: and that^'^- 
" unless he should otherwise advise him by his letter, he 
" minded not in any wise to receive him : adding, that his 
" long sufferance bred great offence." For Humfrey was 
connived at for a good while, till he at last consented. But 
Sampson was deprived this year, and succeeded by Tho. 
Godwin, D. D. of Magdalen college, in June, 1565. 

But Sampson's iudo-ment in king Edward's days differed Sampson 

. -. • 1 • • ^1 ^ once of an- 

from his present judgment; as may appear m his epistle tOoti,erjudg- 
the professors of Christ's gospel, the parishioners of Alhal- •»«"*. 
lows. Bread-street, London, where he was once pastor, wrote 
from Strasburgh, the year after his flight out of England : 
exhorting them in that epistle (among many other good ad- 
monitions) to submit to the ceremonies ; which they were 
with humbleness to receive. But his converse, now he was 
abroad, with Calvin, and some other reformers, changed his 
judgment. For in his foresaid epistle these are his words and Sampson's 
counsel: "As for traditions, customs, and (by and for thCj{||,''.^*',^JJ^j 
" order of the church) ceremonies received and used, which tants of 


" be not matters of faith, they may be admitted and altered 
" at the discretion of them that have the rule of the church 

K 3 


CHAP. " under Christ, according to the necessity of the time and 
^^^' " the disposition of the people : so that in them be no- 

Annoi564." thing else but true edifying to unfeigned godliness: and 
" such are of the people with humbleness to be received."*"' 
By which it seems he meant to direct these pious men to 
465 distinguish the ceremonies of the church reformed under 
the late king Edward from those that were required under 
the then reigning queen Mary. The former he recom- 
mended to them ; the latter he forewarned them against. 

But we have several things more to say concerning this 
controversy with these two learned men. AVhich will con- 
siderably unfold this history of the habits ; a matter that 
long after kept up disturbance in this chvnxh. 


Several letteis between Sampson and Humfrey^ and BulUn- 
ger and Gualter, divines in Zurich', about the habits. Fif- 
teen questions iiropounded concerning them. Horn, bi- 
shop of Winchester, nvrites to those foreigners upon the 
same argument. Their ansioers. Humfrey writes to the 

Anno 1565. JL HE archbishop, as was said before, had urged against 
Sampson them the iudffment of two foreign divines of great note, viz. 

and Hum- , , ^ t ti 1 i i v 

phrey send Bucer and Martyr. In like manner, that they on the other 
letters to ]-,and might leave no stone unturned, no means unused, 

BuUinger » . • • 1 1 • 1 

andGuai- they laboured to obtain on their side the judgment of two 
^^^' other foreigners, of great note also. And for that purpose 

both of them wrote distinct letters not long after, viz. in the 
year 1565, to Bullinger and Gualter, the chief pastors of 
the church of Zurick in Switzerland ; with whom they had 
formerly been acquainted when they were exiles : thinking 
to gain under their hands their disallowance of these habits; 
and hoping that they, being persons of very reverend 
esteem with many of our bishops, would interpose their let- 
ters and supplications to them, to forbear their present pro- 


Several letters passed to and fro, writ by these learned CHAP. 
men upon this argument, in the years 1565 and 1566. In 

the month of August, 1565, Gualter sent them his mind Anno 1565. 

and opinion at large. Which was to this tenor : " That |i,"i^,u7nl 

" as he was troubled to hear of the queen's ordinance for August 29. 

" wearing the cap and surplice, considering the need there 

" was of reformation of other things ; so on the contrary he 

" could not advise ministers to give over their office be- 

" cause of it ; to prevent papists and Lutherans from com- 

" ing into their places : who might bring into the church 

" many abominable and idolatrous ceremonies and false 

" doctrines. His opinion therefore was, that they should 

" first make their humble suit to the queen, declaring 

" their mind in this matter : and if they found she would 

" not condescend to them, then to strive no longer against 

" it, but to take upon them this order ; withal protesting, 

" that they did it in pure obedience to the queen's majesty, 

" and not that any should, upon account of this clothing, 

" have the sacrament in any more reverence, or seek Galva^ 

" tion thei-ein. And he hoped in time it would be laid 

" aside. He said, these habits might be counted indif- 

" ferent things; as circumcision was to Paul. But if the 466 

" meaning of them should be, that preachers should behave 

" themselves as members of the Romish church, it were 

" better to suffer death, than to administer any such occa- 

" sion. And that, because some Lutherans probably had 

" put the queen upon enjoining this, therefore they should 

" have the more consideration, and use discretion, lest her 

" majesty should be clean drawn away from the protcstant 

" doctrine and religion. That it was not unknown to him, 

" how the Lutheran divines did rail upon them, and say, 

" they were a people without understanding, despising the 

" sacrament, and not regarding rulers. The which sayings 

" they must prove to be lies by their deeds." 

One of these two, Sampson I suppose, writ again to 

Gualter, August 28, concerning the same subject. To 

which he returned answer November 3, following. There- f'^"^^^"f 

in he said, " It was not needful to be troubled any more (.uaiter, 

. Nov. 3. 

K 4. 


CHAT. " about it. And that he could hitherto find none otherwise 
_J____" by himself, than that no man for outward things, that do 

AiHio 1665." not touch or trouble the conscience, shall leave his office 
" in the ministry, and give place to open wolves, that shall 
" tear and devour the poor sheep, [meaning by the wolves, 
" the papists or Lutherans.] And that it was not good, for 
" such causes, to let the church come into confusion, whence 
" might arise great persecutions to the good Christian. 
" Especially considering it was openly set forth, in the 
" queen's commandments and ordinances, that the same 
" clothing was not for any holiness, or for conscience sake, 
" but only for a certain difference, to be had and used, be- 
*' tween the ministers of the church and the common 
" people."" 
A third let- The 10th of November, Sampson, or Humfrey, wrote 
tei of Guai- ^ -^^ to the Said learned man; informing him that several 
of the bishops liad been satisfied with what he had writ 
concerning his mind and opinion, that, it seems, were not 
satisfied before ; not so much, I suppose, to use the apparel 
themselves, as to press others thereunto; but that some 
were yet unsatisfied : he desired also, that Gualter would 
appoint this question to be brought into their schools. To 
March 18. this he gave his answer in March following. Wherein he 
declined the discussing this controversy in the schools, say- 
ino-, " It was not their use or custom to dispute such things. 
" And in his judgment it needed not much disputation, if 
" men would with earnest minds look to the matter that 
" might be most for edifying : and that no man of self-will 
" should forsake his charge and people, that he thereby 
" make not an entrance for a more wicked thing," 
Buiiinger's As for BuUiuger, he also wrote his letters to Sampson to 
judgment, ^^j^^ same pui-port; and soon after to Humphrey briefly and 
closely. The brevity whereof Humphrey in his next letter 
complained of to him, as though he had not thoroughly un- 
derstood the case, or had answered it too slightly. To which, 
in another letter, dated in May 1566, to both of them, (for I 
will lay these things together, though they belong to the fol- 
lowing year,) Bullinger replied, " That he was so short, be- 


" cause he saw not then, nor yet afterwards, any reason CHAP. 
" to be more copious. For he found he was able in few 

words to give answer to the question the other had asked Anno ises. 
" him, which was only, what he thought of the controversy 
" of the habits. And moreover, because he knew that the 46/ 
" matter had been excellently well despatched before by a 
" very able divine, viz. Peter Martyr ; who, both at Oxford, 
" and there at Zurick, had often more largely dehvered his 
" sense upon this argument." To whom he referred them, 
for he had nothing more to add. They had propounded 
the question in such ambiguous terms, that BuUinger at 
first seemed to have mistook the garments; and thought 
they were enjoined to wear a popish habit, used by priests 
when they said mass. Which caused him thus to distin- 
guish, " That he never should approve of it, if the com- 
" mand were to execute the ministry at the altar, with the 
" image of a crucifix on it, and in a mass garment : that is, 
*' in alba et casida, i. e. in an albe, and another vesture over 
" that, which on the back bore the image of the crucifix." 
But by other letters from England he understood there 
was no contention about such a garment ; and that the 
question was, (and so propounded, I suppose, by Home, 
bishop of Winton, who had written to him also about this 
matter,) whether gospel ministers might wear a round 
cap, or a square, and a white garment, called a surplice; 
whereby a minister, so habited, might be discerned from 
the laity : and whether one ought sooner to forsake the 
ministry, and his sacred station, than to wear these gar- 

To urge the learned man to declare his mind more 
largely and distinctly in these controversies, Sampson and 
Humphrey, in their second letters, propounded divers par- 
ticular queries to him, desiring his solution of them : some 
given by Humphrey, more by Sampson. All which were as 
follow : 

I. A71 deheant ccclesiasticis leges prcBScribi vestiaries, ut 'lum- 
iis distinguantur a laicis ? Sauii)son's 



CHAP. 11. An ceremonialis cultus Levitk'i sacerdotii sit revocan- 
' (his in ecclesiam ? 

Anno 1565. HI, An vestitu cum papistis communicare liceat? 

IV. An qui libertate sua hactenus acquieverunt, vi edicti 
regit, hac servitute impUcare se, salva conscientia, possint ? 

V. An vestitus cleiicalis sit res indifferens ? These were 
Humphrey's questions. To which, after Bulhnger had an- 
swered, he proceeded to answer those of Sampson. Which 
were these following: 

VI. An vestitus peculiaris, a laicis distinctus, ministris 
ecclesicB unquam fuerit constitutus : an et hodie in rejbrmata 
ecclesia debeat constitui ? 

VII. An vestium pr(Bscriptio congruat ciivi Christiana 
libertate ? 

VIII. An ullcB ceremoni(B novcB, prcBter expressum pras- 
scriptum verbi Dei, cumulari possunt f 

IX. An ritus JudcEorum antiquatos revocare, religioni- 
que idololatrarum propj'ie dicatos, in usus reformataruni 
ecclesiarum liceat J'erre ? 

X. An corcformaiio in ceremoniis necessario sit exigenda ? 

XI. An ceremonicB cum ajwrto scandalo conjunctce reti- 
neri possint ? 

468 XII. An idloi constitutix)nes ferendcB in ecclesia, qum na- 
tura sua impicB quidem non stmt, sed tamen ad cedijicationem 
nihil Juciunt ? 

XIII. An quicqtiain ecclesiis a principe prcescjibendmn 
in ceremoniis, sine libero consensu et voluntate ecclesiasti- 
corum ? 

XIV. An consultius ecclesice, sic inservire, an propterea 
ecclesiastico munere ejici ? 

XV. An boni pastores jtirc, ob hujusmodi ceremonias neg- 
lectas, a mitiisterio remover i possunt f 

BuUinger's To all thesB questions this reverend man, at length in 
May 1566, gave brief, but very proper and clear answers ; 
all of them in favour of conformity. And that partly out of 
the obligation of obedience to the magistrates' commands in 
things indifferent, and partly to avoid being rejected from 



the ministry of the gospel, lest wolves, or unfit persons, CHAP. 
should succeed them. But he did not like that matters ^LII. 

should be thus nicely wire-drawn into a multitude of ques- Anno i565. 
tions, and to be intangled with more knots than needed. 
The good man concluded, " That he would neither urge 
" nor ensnare any man*'s conscience, and left what he said to 
" be examined. He admonished, that no man should frame 
" a conscience to himself Ix (pjAovsix/a, out of a love of con- 
" tention ; and exhorted all by Jesus Christ, the Saviour, 
" head and king of his church, that every one would ho- 
" nestly weigh with himself, by whether of tlie two he should 
" more edify the church, either for order-sake to use the 
" garments, as an indifferent thing, and as making for con- 
" cord, and the profit of the church ; or for the sake of gar- 
" ments to forsake the church, and to leave it to be seized 
" upon by wolves, or at least very unfit and evil ministers." 
And all this he wrote in his own and Gualters name ; as 
Gualter had before made his to be Bullinger"'s sense, as well 
as his own. This letter well deserves reading; and there- 
fore I have placed it in my Repository. N". XXIV. 

This letter was so considerable, that I find Whitgift using Whitgift 
a passage out of it against Cartwright, to prove that the 1;""^ 
distinction of apparel was appointed for ministers before the 
pope's tyranny ; which Cartwright would not allow of, and 
therefore qviestioned whether in these days it ought to be 
enjoined in the reformed churches. The said passage con- 
sisted of quotations out of certain ancient ecclesiastical au- 
thors, which mentioned a particular fashion used by priests 
in those days, as the pallium^ and the white garment in their 
ministration ; and St. Cyprian had his birrlms^ and his dal- 
maticci, his cap, and his garment with long- sleeves: and 
John the apostle, before him, Km petahim, i. e. a thin plate, 
like to a bishop's mitre. For which allegations, when Cart- 
wright had reflected somewhat severely upon Bullinger, 
either as to his integrity or understanding, using these 
woi'ds; "That a man would hardly believe that master Vid. De- 
" Bullinger should use these places to prove a distinction of Answer to 
"apparel amono; the ministers;*" it may be worth read- ^1"! •^'''""' 

'■'■'=> •' mtion, p. 



CHAP, ing Whitgift's vindication of the said learned man in this 
^^"- matter. 

Anno 1565. And thus wc have given a large account of the appHca- 
^j',^„!''*'^"P tion of the two leading dissenters here to those two eminent 

of Winches- _ "^ _ 

ter writes to divines of the church of Zurick. And as they had made 
BuUin^ger" their epistolary addresses, so some of the bishops also in the 
4^0 commission thought it not unadviseable to write for the 
judgment of these very men upon the same subject, that 
they might proceed in this matter with as fair a correspond- 
ence as might be with other reformed chinxhes. For Home, 
bishop of Winchester, in the name, as I judge, of the rest, 
writ both to Gualter and Bullinger : and each returned their 
distinct answers this year. 
The con- In Horne*'s letter to Gualter, dated from Farnham, July 
letter.*^ "^17, 1565, he signified, " That when the law was made for 
" wearing the square cap and surplice, it was inserted ex- 
*' pressly, that they were to be worn without any opinion of 
" superstition. And that at the time it was enacted, they 
" themselves were no bishops, and had therefore no autho- 
" rity of making or abrogating laws. And being then en- 
" joined, there was no dispensing Avith it. And that for 
" their parts they did use them, that the adversaries might 
" not enter upon the Christian function, which they would, 
" if they should desert it. And he added, that he hoped 
" surely, the next parliament, part of this act would be re- 
" pealed. He grieved at these contentions, considering how 
" the papists made a great clamour upon occasion of this 
" controversy, triumphing (said he) against us, that there 
" is not that agreement in faith amongst us that is pre- 
*' tended; and that we are driven into different parties, and 
" stand not in one opinion. The bishop also desired this 
" learned man\s judgment, that in case they could not pre- 
*' vail the next parliament to repeal that part of the act 
" about the garments, whether they should leave the mi- 
" nistry, or continue still in it, that they might thereby 
" keep out the adversaries of the church. And whether 
" they might do it with a safe conscience. And that it was 
" at present their judgment here, that they ought however 


" to abide in their ministerial function." This is the sum of CHAP, 
bishop Home's letter ; but he that is pleased to read it may ^^"• 

have it in the Appendix. Anno 1 565. 

Gualter wrote an answer to this reverend father Novem- ^"- ^^y^- 
ber the 3d ; (at the same time he had wrote to Sampson ;) answer to 
wherein, as he delivered his judgment to be, that the mi-^''^ '^'^•^"P- 
nisters ought to give their consent to the wearing the gar- 
ments, rather than to depart from their charges; so he 
seemed to have used his earnest endeavours with this bishop 
and the rest, not to urge a matter so ingrateful to many, 
and that they would persuade the queen not to stand so ri- 
gorously upon it, for fear of the ill consequences of it to the 
good estate of religion. A copy of this letter Bullingcr 
afterwards sent, enclosed in his own, to Sampson and Hum- 
phrey, to let them see, no question, that they were not 
wanting to intercede on their behalf. And because Park- 
liurst, bishop of Norwich, possibly had written about this 
time to Gualter upon the same argument, when upon another 
opportunity he sent over a copy of his former letter ; for 
fear of miscarriage, he ordered it to be first conveyed to the 
said bishop to peruse, and thence to be despatched to Home. 

Not lono- after, Bullinger also wrote his mind to the said Buiiinger's 

^ , , answer to 

bishop of Winchester ; wherein he repeated to him briefly him. 
the words of Peter Martyr, epitomizing, I suppose, his 
letter to bishop Hoper; where that excellent man had 4/0 
spoken fully to this controversy. This letter of Martyr, 
having been mentioned two or three times already, I had 
once thought to have cast into the Appendix; but it is 
somewhat too large, and is already extant in print, at the 
end of that author's Common Places, among his epistles, 
whither he may have recourse who is minded to read it. 

This Bullinger was a right prudent, peaceable, well- Buiiinger 
weighed, and learned man ; and therefore as he had given ^^"^1^^ "" 
the aforesaid answer to all the questions of Humphry and shops. 
Sampson, so he thought it convenient to let the bishops 
know what had passed between them ; that as he strove to 
satisfy one party, so he might not give offence to the other, 
as though he were a meddler in the regulating other chiu'ches, 


CHAP, and thrust his sickle into another man's corn. Therefore 
^^^^' he sent a copy of that letter to three bishops, Home, Grin- 

Anno i565.dal, and Parkhurst. "That ye might understand,"" saith 
he, " that we would do nothing with the brethren without 
" the privity of you, the primary ministers ; and that in all 
" things ye seek the peace of your churches, accordmg to 
*' your power. Exhorting them nevertheless to have a re- 
" spect to these their dissenting brethren, being faithful 
" ministers and learned men. He acknowledged they had 
" their affections; and therefore the apostle admonished, 
" that we should bear one another''s burdens. He told them 
" they could do very much by their authority with the 
" queen ; and that they should use their interest with her 
" for the reconcilinoj and restoring; diem. He desired the 
" bishop of Winton, that this his letter might be commu- 
" nicated also to bishop Jewel, bishop Sandys, and bishop 
" Pilkington." This letter was dated May 3, 1566. And 

N°. XXVI. I liave laid it with the rest in the Appendix. 

Humfiey J add here, that Humfrey, to the rest of his endeavours 

the queeu. ^o obtain friends in this extremity, both among the bishops 
and the courtiers, addressed to the queen herself, in a well- 
penned Latin letter, petitioning, " That she would abro- 
" gate, or at least suspend her edict for the habits. He was 
" assured, as he told her majesty, such was her clemency, 
" that that counsel of Tubero to Caesar, cave ignoscas, cave 
" credas, was hateful to her ; and that she was rather en- 
" dued with the kind spirit of Vespasian, to send none away 
" sad from her. She knew, as he proceeded, that the silver 
" of the gospel was intrusted with her, to deliver it over to 
" posterity, pure and purged, without dross. She knew, 
" that kings, moved with the zeal of God's house, removed 
" all remainders of superstition ; and how that was the per- 
" feet form and idea of reformation, when all spots and 
" blemishes were taken away ; and when nothing in religion 
" and rites was received from the truth's enemies. And 
" lastly, she well knew, that in indifferent things contended 
" about, it was lawful for every man to use them or not to 
" use them, when it might be done without prejudice and 


" offence, and that the hberty of consciences ought by no CHAP. 
" means to be restrained. That whatever was reported to ;_ 

" lier majesty against them, he prayed her to remember that Anno i565. 

" saying here, Take heed how you believe. Tliat as for his 

'• own mind and obedience to her, not only his word, but 47 1 

" his book of Nobihty, and that hkewise of CyrilFs com- Humfrey de 

" mentary upon Esay, by him translated, both Avhich he " ' ' 

" dedicated to her, would amply shew it. And the same 

" might be truly said of his brethren. That since therefore 

" what they required was honest in itself, and that which 

" was commanded was dubious, and that they who pe- 

" titioned were her most loyal subjects and ministers, he 

" asked her, why her mercy should be shut to them, which 

" was wont to be open to all. Did she say, she would not 

" yield to subjects ? Yet, said he, she might of her clemency 

" spare miserable men. She would not rescind a public 

" decree ? Yet she might relax and remit it. She could not 

" take away a law .'' Yet she might grant a toleration. That 

" it was not fit to indulge to some men's affections ? Yet it 

" was most fit and equal, not to force the minds of men. 

" And therefore he earnestly beseeched her majesty to con- 

" sider seriously the majesty of the glorious gospel, the 

" equity of the cause, the fewness of the labourers, the 

" greatness of the harvest, the multitude of the tares, and 

t' the heaviness of the punishment." But the letter itself 

remains among the monuments in the Appendix, to have N". XXVII. 

recourse to. 


Some acco7mt of Humfrey and Sampson. 

iriAVING had occasion to say so much of Humfrey and 
Sampson, the chief {jTre^wwiaTai (i. e. champions) of those 
they styled puritans, that is, such as refused the habits, and 
who bore the brunt of that controversy before the eccle- 
siastical commissioners ; it may not be out of the way to in- 


CHAP, quire a little more diligently after them, and to retrieve here 

'_ a few memorials of them. 

Anno 1565. Dr. Lawrence Humphry was one for his learning much 

Some ac. gsj-genied bv sir William Cecyl, the secretary. He was ex- 
count of •' . . / 1 i? 1 

Humphrey, ceedingly beloved of the university of Oxon, (whereof he 
was public divinity-reader,) insomuch, that when, in the 
year 1574, a confident rumour was spread there, that the 
queen had nominated him for a bishop, to fill some see, now 
vacant, (the ground whereof was, that Cecyl, now lord 
Burghley, had lately moved the queen to prefer him to that 
dignity,) it created exceeding joy among the scholars ; 
Dr. Cra- which added a new spur to their studies, as one Dr. Cra- 
dock, an eminent man of that university, writ in a Greek 
epistle to the said lord, that so admirable a man, and so 
learned a scholar, was to be preferred. " When the report 
" went, said he, of the queen's advancing Dr. Humphrey to 
" a bishopric, Ba/3a), cog avuTrepjSAvjTOJ ayaXXtacry^or OTut y^a- 
" PiTig l7rjjxoAouOy)(7av ttoVoj hTsuSsv ttoSo; twv Trspi Ttoivra roc 
" KuXXKTTa sTrJTrjSsu/Aaxa dictTgijiovToov, (oTtsp ku) (pcovfi xa.) %poiT- 
" coTrcu oujc aSryAcof l7r»Se/xvuov) 7rapoi^pri[j.a. ^p^uTO. It was 
" strange to observe xvhat exceeding- rejoicing there zoas ; 
4J 2 ii ze^Jiat thanksgivings Jbllowed ; what a desire and love, 
" jiresently iipon this, began towards such as employed 
" themselves in all the best studies ; as they did not ob- 
" scurely, by their xvords and countenances, declare."" 
Upon a let- Nor was this the last time the lord Burghley moved the 
loid'Buri^h- quccn for preferment for him. For in the latter end of the 
ley's to him, ygj^j. 1570^ he did Humphrey the honour to write to him, 
forms. signifying as much to him ; and hinting withal, that his non- 
conformity seemed to be the chief impediment ; the queen, 
and some other honourable persons at court, considering 
him as forgetful of his duty, in disobeying her injunctions. 
This imputation stuck somewhat close to the learned man, 
- together with the mild persuasion of this his honourable 
friend. Which at last had this effect upon him, that in the 
month of February 1576 he conformed himself to the ha- 
bits ; which hitherto he had not done, not so much out of 
an absolute persuasion in his conscience of the unlawfulness 


of them, as of some particular dislike thereof. The respect CHAP, 
that was generally had of him, and of his usefulness in the____ 

university, procured him a toleration, or at least a con- Anno 1 565. 
nivance : which he made use of till this time, when he sub- 
mitted himself to the ecclesiastical orders. The reason mov- 
ing him thereunto, and the reason he held off so long, he 
gave himself in a letter to the aforesaid honourable person. 
" That therefore he had yielded, that no further surmise of 
" any wilfulness should be gathei'ed. And that he would 
" have done the like heretofore, but that having a toleration, 
" he was glad to enjoy it ; and that he hoped still for some 
" points of redress. And that in these he had been no open 
" intermeddler, but only a private solicitor, and humble 
" suitor to her majesty and the lords. And that it was a 
" remorse to seem, by sundry apparel, to sunder himself 
" from those brethren, whose doctrine and life he always 
" loved and liked. And he protested to his lordship before 
" God, that his standing before, and conforming now, came 
*' of one cause, viz. the direction of a clear conscience, and 
" tended to one end, which was edification. And whereas 
" he understood there would be a proclamation set forth for 
" apparel, if one clause might be added for ministers and 
*' students in the university, and a plain signification given, 
" that it was enjoined, not so much for an ecclesiastical cere- 
*' mony, as for a civil policy and ordinance, he thought it 
" would satisfy more in conscience." This letter, as it de- 
serves preserving, I have put into the Appendix. He lived Number 
many years after, dying dean of Winchester in the ycar^^^'"' 

He was so fortunate as to create five bishops doctors in divi- Makes five 
nity together; which he did at London, in the month of Oct. j^^^^^^^* 
1566, by coxnmission from the university of Oxon. A greater 
honour than scarce any of the public professors, in either 
university, either before or since, ever partook of. These 
bishops were, Parkhurst, bishop of Norwich ; Downham, 
bishop of Chester ; Bentham, bishop of Coventry and Litch- 
field ; Richard Davies, bishop of St. David''s ; and Best, bi- 
shop of Carlisle. 



CHAP. His great learning appeared by those many books he wrote 
'__ and pubhshed, which I shall here set down. 

Anno 1565. Optiviates, sive De Nobilitate, ejusque antiqua origine, 
ings^^"*' natura^ officiis, discipUna, S^c. 

473 Libellus de conservanda vera religione. 
In Latin. Consensus patrum dejust'ificatione. 

Inter p retatio U ng uarum . 

Jesuit'ismi pars prima, sive prao'is curice. Romanw, 
contra resp. ad pj-mcipes. Ac prcemonitio ad Anglos. 

Jesuit'ismi pars secunda. Puritano-Papismi, sen cloc- 
trincB Jesuiticce, co^Ura Edm. Campianum, et Jo. DurcBum, 
assertio et coirfutatio. Item Pharisaismus vetus ac novus, 
concio ad Oxonienses, anrio 1582. 

Orationes Woodstochice hahitcB. 

De vita et morte Johannis Juelli: ejusque vercB doc- 
trincB dejxnsio, cum refutatione quorundam ohjectorum, 
Hardingi, Sanderi, Copi, Osorii Lusitan. Pontaci, Bur- 

Originis Liber de recta jide contra Marcionistas Latine 
donatus : cum prcefatione in eundem doctorem. 

Cyrilli Commentarius in Esaiam Prophetam Latine red- 

Index in Forsferi Lexicon Hebraicum. 

And in English he wrote a book, Of Civil and Christian 
Nobility. To whicli is added a treatise by Philo of the 
same argument, which is but the same with his Optimates 
translated. He published also seven sermons against trea- 
son, on that text, 1 Sara. xxvi. 8, 9, 10, 11. Then said Abi- 
shai to David, God hath delivered thine enemy into thine 
hand this day : noiv therefore let me smite him, I pray thee, 
with the spear, even to the earth at once, and I will not smite 
him the second time. And David said to Abishai, Destroy 
him not : for who can stretch forth his hand against the 
Lord's anointed, and be guiltless? &c. These sermons were 
printed in the year 1588. Thus much of Humfreys. 
Some ac- The first mention I meet with of Thomas Sampson in 
Sampson, public employ is, that in king Edward the Sixth's days, 
when there was difference between the Scots and us, and 


the lord llussel had cliargc of the army, he was preacher to CHAP, 
them. He married Huffh Latimer"'s niece, and together 

with Bradford received holy orders in the year 1550, from ^""0 i'^^-''- 
bisliop Ridley, and was known to and esteemed by him and prankford! 
archbishop Cranmer. And when he took the ministry on His ordina- 
him, he excepted against the apparel: which both those re- 
verend prelates dispensed with him in, according as himself 
relates in one of his own letters to secretary Cecyl, saying, 
that by them he was permitted and admitted. And what a 
value Ridley had for him appears from a passage in a letter 
of his out of prison, in answer to one from Grindal, which 
acquainted him with the good estate of Scory and Cox, and 
others then at Frankford. Whereupon that good bishop 
wished, that it had come into his mind also to have said 
something of Cheke, of Turner, of Lever, and Sampson ; 
trusting in God that they were well. 

In the three first years of queen Elizabeth, he made the Memorable 

11 " -I-. 11 /-I • • sermons 

rehearsal sermons at raul s Cross ; repeatmg memoriter by him 
the Spital sermons preached at Easter : and also is said to P'^iiched. 
have preached the first sermon at the Cross after the said Oxon. 
queen's access to the crown : but that is a mistake. And in 
the queen's royal visitation he accompanied her visitors in 4/4 
the northern parts, as preacher. In king Edward's time he 
was dean of Chichester, and rector of Allhallows, London. 

In the year 1560, the college of Christ' s-church, Oxon, Suit to the 
understanding that their present dean, Mr. Carew, would f^r Samp-^^ 
part with that dignity, did in most earnest manner solicit '^o" *» be 

o .7 ' dean of 

the lord Robert Dudley, master of the horse to the queen, chrisfs- 

in confidence of his love and care of that college, that he '^'^"'■'^''• 

would prevail with her, that Mr. Thomas Sampson might 

succeed in that place ; adding high commendations of him. 

They said, " That their college was as it were the eye to 

" the rest of the university, which gave light to the other 

" parts thereof, as the eye doth to the body ; and therefore 

" that their dean ought to be some person of great emi- 

" nence. That as for Mr. Sampson, after they had con- 

" sidered and well pondered the whole stock of learned men 

" in this island, they found none to be compared with him, 



Anno 1565. 
Ut sitne vir 
melior, an 
instruct ior, 
an erudi- 
tionis ex- 
an theolo- 
gus insig- 
nior merito 

The habits 
urged upon 
him by the 


" both for his suigular learning and piety : having the uni- 
" versal praise of all men ; that it might well he doubted, 
" zvhether he were a better man, or a greater linguist, or a 
" completer scholar, or a more absolute divine.'''' To this let- 
ter, dated in January, was subscribed the hands of twenty-two 
of that house ; whereof divers were persons of great learn- 
ing and eminence in that university ; as namely, James Calf- 
hill, the subdean ; Lawrence Humfrey, the king''s professor 
of divinity ; Thomas Francis, the king''s professor of physic ; 
Giles Lawrence, the king's Greek professor ; Herbert West- 
phaling, after bishop of Hereford; John Godwin, and 
others. This letter the college hastened the rather to the 
said lord, to prevent the promotion of Dr. Fr. Babington to 
this deanery, who in queen Mary's reign was fellow of All- 
Souls, and kept in all that time, and was well affected to- 
wards popish religion still : a man of mean learning, and of 
a complying temper ; whereby he was now rector of Lincoln, 
and Margaret professor. 

In the year 1563, in the month of December, the secre- 
tary had some communication with him about the apparel 
prescribed, exciting him earnestly to comply with it. For 
the said secretary, however he is wont to be represented as a 
favourer of the puritans, certainly was a person that now 
urged the use of the apparel, and other rites ecclesiastical, 
that were enjoined ; conceiving how much conformity herein 
tended to the preservation of peace and unity. Hence it 
was, that one Prowde, parson of Burton upon Dunsmore, a 
puritan, in a letter he wrote to him, anno 1579, took the 
confidence to tell him, that he was, as it was then commonly 
said, one of them, that at the first maintained that, for the 
which many good men lost their livings. In the aforesaid 
communication the secretary told Sampson, " that he gave 
" offence by his disobedience, and that obedience was better 
" than sacrifice." 

To these persuasions of the secretary, he thought fit, 
being now at Oxford, to make a more deliberate answer by 
letter : wherein he gave his reasons why he could not con- 
form to the apparel. The sum whereof was, " That in the 


law God commanded to destroy all idols, with all the CHAP. 

• • XLIII 

ceremonies which the servers of them used in their ser- '_ 

vice; prohibiting, as the idols, so the use of their cere- ^""" ^ 565- 
monies and fashions. Accordingly the godly kings of 
the Jews did deal with idols, idolatry, and the appur-475 
tenances. And that the Lord threatened vengeance for 
retainino; such ceremonies and fashions in a time of re- 
formation. That Christ did not communicate in any tra- 
dition with the Pharisees, by them devised ; but reproved 
them, and warned the apostles to take heed of them. That 
there were constitutions made by some primitive fathers 
of the church, that forbade such ceremonies as were de- 
vised and used by idolaters and heretics. According to 
which rule he thought all ceremonies and fashions, de- 
vised and used by the idolatrous popish sect, ought to be 
destroyed, forbidden, forsaken, and rejected. And if 
men in authority would think and command otherwise, 
yet he supposed, that he, which followed God's mind thus 
delivered, did yield the obedience which is better than 
sacrifice. That the primitive Christians, refusing to use 
such things, had their defence. That some of them in 
their conversion, changing their array, as they did their 
minds, did neither precisely appoint themselves, nor pre- 
scribed to others, to take the habit of such, whom in reli- 
gion they did forsake. For that the change of habit had 
been taken among heathens and Christians, that the 
changer changed himself from them whose array he left. 
That to do otherwise, and wear the habit of papists, was 
a show of relapse ; which ought not to be given to the 
godly, nor any face of victory to the enemy. Again, that 
it came out of the corrupt state of the church since Christ, 
to prescribe a singular form of uniform array to the mi- 
nistry. That all reformations ought to be framed after 
the first sincere state. And if the reformer will not ad- 
mit this, but will determine contrary, he saw not how 
this could bind him, which knew and desired sincerity. 
He told the secretary moreover, that he could give the 



CHAP. " probation of each thing he asserted. And these were but 
^^^^^' " some of the reasons, not all, that moved him in this cause 
Anno 1565. " to do as he did. That he put not herein a law to the con- 
" sciences of other men, whom, in their standing and fall- 
" ina: herein, he left to the Lord. And so he desired to be 
" left. Neither did he stand upon point of credit, or re- 
" gard among men, but upon this stay which now and ever 
" he had. And that now he had his old stay increased, as 
" well by some reading as by sight of churches reformed, 
" [which he had visited in his exile,] he did most humbly 
" pray, not to be clogged with that, from which he had 
" been ever freed ; and which with a quiet mind he could 
" not admit." 
Reads a Though he were put out of the deanery of Chrisfs- 

an*hos itai t^hurch, yet he was allowed to officiate in another place 
without conformity. For 1 find him, anno 1573, (but how 
lono- before I know not,) master of an hospital in London, 
called Whittington college ; Avhere he read a lecture every 
term, for the yearly stipend of ten pounds, given him by 
the company of clothworkers. Here he was very instru- 
mental to the good estate and settlement of that foundation, 
by the interest he had with the lord treasurer Burghley : 
who both undertook and finished a dangerous cause of the 
hospital, as Sampson himself acknowledged it to the said 
476 treasurer: for the which all the poor there, he told him, 
prayed for him. In the latter end of the year 1573, he was 
taken with the numb palsy on one side, which deprived him 
of half the use of his limbs. But he hved above half a score 
years after with good sense and understanding ; though he 
called his disease, at its first seizure of him, evangel'mm 
mortis. He did frequently, by his letters, urge the lord 
treasurer to promote a reformation in the government of the 
church, and heartily recommended Bucer''s book, De regno 
Christi, for a pattern : which he supposed favoured that 
church government, which was according to his model. 
After his lameness, he left his hospital, and retired to the 
hospital at lieicester, where he lived a great while after. 


But first earnestly endeavoured to leave Mr. Dering, an- CHAP. 

• • XLIII 

Other zealous puritan, to succeed him. But the archbishop 

would by no means admit of it. ^""° ^^^^• 

In the year 1583 he drew up certain petitions relating to Writes a 

'' '■ , !• 1 • • 1 supplication 

the reformation of the church in matters ot ecclesiastical to tiie par- 
discipline, and sent them up by his son, John Samson, to [^^™^^*'^.^°[ 
the lord Burghly ; and the year after prepared them in some of disci- 
more distinct method to be presented to the parhament. It ^ '"^' 
was entitled, A Supplication made to be exhihited to our 
sovereign lady queen Elizabeth, to the honourable lords of 
her most honoui-able privy council, and to the high court of - 
parliament. This book laid down at large that model of 
church government, which the men of this faction in those 
days so much required, and were so fond of. I think it was 
printed. I have by me the very original copy that Samson MSS. 
sent to the lord Burghly, as appears by these words in- 
scribed on it by that lord's own hand, December 1584, A 
supplicatory book to the queen''s majesty and the parliament 
for matters of the church. 

Besides this book, there were divers others, Avhich were Sampson's 
pubUshed by him or his friends at divers times, viz. 

Letters to the Professors of the Gospel in the parish of 
Alhallows, Bread-street, London; having been minister 
there in king Edward's days. These were printed at Stras- 
burgh, 1554. 

Warnino- to take heed of Fowler's ^ Psalter; printed " This Fow- 

o ler was a 

1578. Roman Ca- 

Brief Collections of the Church, and certain Sermons of [^^°|;^^^'[;;;- 
the same ; printed 1581. weip and 

Prayers and Meditations Apostolic : gathered and framed ^^^^^^l 
out of the epistles of the Apostles ; printed 1592. Psalter for 

,. , . , _ A^ 1 • 1 Catholics. 

Dr. Samson died in the year 1589, being the same year ^^^^^^^^^,^ 
wherein his great companion and brother in the habit con- death. 
troversy deceased also, viz. Dr. Humfrey. 

It must be mentioned to his commendation, that he His grati- 
earnestly solicited the lord treasurer in behalf of a mer- jj"gr*chan1, 
chant, who had consumed himself greatly by his former ti'at had 

1 , ., . r> " 1 1 1 formerly re- 

liberality towards the poor Enghsh exiles in Strasburgh and lieved him. 

L 4 



CHAP. Frankford, in queen Mary's reign. This man was in com- 

L_pany and trade with Mr. Tho. Heton, of whom Humphrey, 

Anno i565.jjj j|^g Ljfg ^f Bishop Jewel, speaks well, in regard of his 
Anno ] 573. favour and money yielded to the exiles in Germany. This 
partner of Heton, as in trade, so in charity was he, for whom 
Samson mediates with Burghley. He was now grown old, 
and fallen into decay, and his piety planted in his heart had 
4^/*/ kept him, as Samson had said, from such courses as some 
had to their worldly enriching. Sampson owed him much, 
as himself acknowledged, and so did many others, who were 
better able to repay than he ; but they would not, or cared 
not, though they knew as much of him, and his need, as 
Sampson did. Between these two there was a long and 
great endearment. These considerations of gratitude and 
friendship put him upon writing to the lord treasurer to be 
good to him ; and that the queen"'s majesty would please to 
give this her good subject liberty to transport three, four, 
five, or six thousand of English cloths without paying cus- 
tom. And that his lordship, if he liked the suit, when it 
should be moved by some other, would give it his favour and 
furtherance, and give his advice how it should be moved. 

Let me add this yet further concerning Sampson ; that 
upon his deprivation, which was executed by the queen''s ec- 
Sampson clesiastical commissioners, he was restrained of his liberty 
too at London, by her order, that he might be an example 
of her displeasure to the rest. He had now two things to 
do, viz. to get his liberty, and to obtain some favour at 
Christ-church, Avhere he had been dean. For both vi'hich 
he applied himself to the archbishop of Canterbury by his 
letters to him : who forthwith gently and readily wrote two 
letters in his behalf; the one to the dean and chapter of 
Christ-church, " praying them to shew Dr. Sampson all 
" favour, and particularly in what he had or should request 
" at their hands ; especially having been a man that had 
" for his government well deserved of them and the college :"" 
the other to secretary Cecil, on the instance of the earl of 
Huntingdon to him, to intercede with the queen for Samp- 
son's liberty, in order to provide for the future subsistence 


of him and his family. Which the secretary soon yielded CHAP, 
unto ; but required the archbishop's letter to him for that ^^III. 

purpose, thereupon to build his mediation with the queen. Anno i56'5. 
For which end the earl sent a messenger to the archbishop ; 
and Sampson sent his own letter withal to him : therein 
thanking him for the favour he had already done him with 
the college, and for commending his cause to the chapter ; 
which had, he said, with them just regard : and then re- 
quested his favourable letter to the secretary, to move the 

The very next day, which was June 4, the kind arch- 
bishop wrote very affectionately to the secretary accord- 
inoflv ; " That her maiestv's pleasure being thus executed The arch- 

o ./ ' , . bishoo's 

" upon him, for example sake, might yet be mollified tOie,ter inhis 
" the commendation of her clemency. And that his ho- behalf. 
" nour should do a right good deed in his opinion, to be a 
" suitor to the queen's highness for him." Backed and au- 
thorized by so venerable a name, the secretary's intercession, 
no question, soon prevailed. But I crave the reader's par- 
don for this digression. 

CHAP. XLIV. 478 

Disturbance in Cambridge about the habits. The chancel- 
lor of the university his letters hereiqjon. A letter to the 
chancellor to dispense zvith the habits. A booh: set forth 
by the London ministers against the habits. Beza's con- 
cern for the dissenters. A volume printed of divers 
learned foreigners'' judgment of cap and surplice. 

A SUBMISSION to wear the habits by those concerned. The sur- 
notwithstanding all that hitherto was done, could not yet be of^^n st!^° 
effected, especially as to the surplice; but more resistance John's coi- 

' r ./ I lege, Cam- 

and abhorrence thereof appeared among many, ihis gar- bridge, 
ment had many adversaries in the university of Cambridge. 
The fellows and scholars in St. John's college there, chiefly 
the younger sort, (to the number of near three hundred. 


CHAP, some said,) about the beginning of December, 1565, or 
sooner, threw off the surphce with one consent, however 

Anno 1565. they had worn it before in the chapel: and many in other 
Paul's Life colleges were ready to follow their example ; as in Trinity 
' ^' college about the same time, all except three, by T. Cart- 
wrigh^s instigation. Such a persuasion of the superstition 
of it had some of their guides (one whereof was Mr. Fulk, 
a young preacher) beat into the heads of the younger ; for 
the elder were generally more steady. 

Longwortii, The particular of the matter was this ; Longworth, the 
the master. ^. . „ . x i • 

master oi the college, being absent, (and as it seems on pur- 
pose,) the most part of the college company came into the 
chapel one festival day without their surplices and hoods, 
according to the ancient practice of the college ; and withal 
made some diversity in the manner of the administration of 
the communion ; and so continued to do : and this, the said 
master, upon his return, allowed, without complaint to any 
magistrate, or endeavour to restore the former ancient usage, 
established by the queen"'s laws and injunctions. The news 
of this soon came both to sir Will. Cecil, that university's 
high chancellor, and a special patron of that college ; and 
likewise to the bishop of Ely, in whose diocese Cambridge 
was, and who had a peculiar jurisdiction over some of the 
colleges there. 
Secretary Cecil, extremely moved hereat, sent speedily both to the 
to* t'he^oi- * college and to the vice-chancellor. To the college (many 
lege here- members whereof had humbly writ to him, that their con- 
sciences might not be forced to receive the ceremony they 
MSS. Ceci- had laid aside, nor that that bitter yoke of servitude of con- 
science might be again laid upon them) he wrote, charging 
them in this unadvised doing with vainglory, and affect- 
ation of popularity, and contempt of laws, and a desire of 
innovating. He admonished them to return quietly to the • 
use of the ceremony, as they had vised it bef(51-e. But they 
on the contrary assured him, that it was nothing but reason 
4^^ (and not any other cause) moved them to do what they did: 
and that God was their witness, that what they did was, 
first, that they might enjoy the quiet of their consciences be- 


fore God; and next, that the true and sincere worship of cHAP. 
God might be promoted among them. XLIV. 

Cecil, as chancellor, wrote one or two letters to his vice- Anno 1565. 
chancellor, as well as to the college. In the latter letter, Cecil tiie 
which bare date December 10, he let him know, that he had of cam- 
acquainted the queen with this disorder, though as favour- ^^^^^f^ 
ably as he could. And that her majesty was very much to the vice- 
moved, requiring him to have it severely punished; &"d ^j^^'^^^^p^ 
had offered him her princely authority to chastise those thatamiig, 
were guilty, for an example : but that his regard to the sa- 
cred fame of the university was such, that he had neither 
expressed to her majesty the greatness of the fault, nor 
seemed to have need of further autliority than he had al- 
ready, as chancellor. But yet he set out this misdemeanour 
to the vice-chancellor in very high terms, viz. as a manifest 
invading the authority of the prince, by a willing breaking 
of common order in the university ; and a lewd leprosy of 
libertines; riotous shaking off the yoke of obedience and 
order. And therefore he required the vice-chancellor to 
call together the heads of the colleges, and other grave gra- 
duates, whom that leprosy had not touched, and to recom- 
mend his most hearty and earnest desire to every of them, 
that as they intended the honour of God, the preservation 
of Christian unity, the good name of that honourable and 
famous university, the favour of their sovereign lady the 
queen towards the same ; and lastly, (which was, he said, 
of least estimation,) as they regarded his poor good-will 
towards the whole body, and every good member of the 
same, (whereof he had given some testimony,) so they would 
persist and continue in the observation of uniform order in 
these external things, which of themselves Avere of none 
other value but to make a demonstration of obedience, and 
to render a testimony of unity ; which being broken and 
neglected, argued a manifest disobedience, and gendered 
occasion of no small offence to many good and godly men, 
to the decay of the estimation of the ministry ; as it was 
daily seen in what sort the estimation of the ministers of the 
church did decay. 


CHAP. And to the intent there miffht ensue by all their concur- 
XLIV • • • 

rence a plain way to withstand those schismatical devices, he 

Anno 1.565. thought it good, Under their correction, that such as of late 
fo^^redress. ^^^^' ^" place of preaching, riotously railed against these 
orders, should be plainly inhibited for some convenient time, 
by good authority, to preach or read publicly : and that all 
such as had been vantcurrors in private colleges to enter 
into this apostasy, should have some reasonable time to re- 
form themselves, upon pain to be excommunicated out of 
the university. Which two means, if they should seem to 
him, [the vice-chancellor,] and his associates, too dulce, then 
he allowed very well of any shorter means, whatsoever they 
should devise. For besides the offence committed against 
the law and against her majesty, he thought sundry of 
them might be manifestly convinced of perjury, in breaking 
the peculiar statutes of their colleges. And, thirdly, he 
thought it good, that as many as would voluntarily, or upon 
gentle admonition, reform themselves, should be gently used 
480 and borne withal : for that he thought many were carried 
with the course of the stream of a hasty company. 

And as for St. John''s college, he required his vice-chan- 
cellor to give warning to the president, (to whom he had 
also written,) that those of that college that would not re- 
form themselves, should find no comfort to persist in their 

Besides this charge to the vice-chancellor, he sent for the 
master to come up to him ; and likewise for Mr. Fulk, by 
a special commandment, with whom he meant to proceed 
himself. And if the vice-chancellor thought meet any other 
should come up and appear before him, he required him 
to enjoin them, in his name, so to do. Cecil in all this pro- 
fessed, that the attestation of his own conscience moved him 
to take up these austerities in the beginning ; being also 
straightly charged by the queen, in no wise to permit her 
authority to be in this sort violated, which the civilians 
would term crimen Icescb majestatis, as he said. 
The master When Longworth, who had been summoned up, ap- 

Jege sum- peared before the said chancellor Cecil, he charged him, in 
moned up. 


the queens name, with breaking certain ordinances and in- CHAP, 
junctions, given by the queen's majesty to the said college: 

and, among other things, certain external rites, to be re- Anno 1 565. 
tained in certain ecclesiastical actions, for prayer and admi- 
nistration of sacraments; and for maintenance and suffer- 
ance of the fellows and scholars in the manifest breaking of 
the same. And moreover, he was charged in her majesty's 
name, to endeavour to reform the foresaid disorders. The Long- 
result was, that the said master of the college recanted be- ^!^°'tation!' 
fore the chancellor, in a form of words drawn up ; wherein Vide the 
he both confessed himself faulty, in suffering the fellows ^^ ^j^e Ap- 
and scholars to continue in their innovations ; and promised pendix. 
that he would do his utmost to reduce the college to a con- 
formity to the queen's injunctions, that were in use before 
the said innovations ; and that he would make declaration 
of the same immediately after his return to the college. 
He also then subscribed a paper, wherein he promised, that 
he would both himself to his uttermost keep all the laws 
and customs within the college as master of the college, or 
as graduate of the university, commonly used since the last 
visitation of the university, in the first year of the reign of 
the queen ; and that he would endeavour to cause all others 
to do the same. These submissions were made about the 
14th of December. 

This recantation, or declaration, (for the chancellor was 
wiUing it should go under that more favourable name,) the 
said Longworth did make ; but, as it appeared, sore against 
his will: for he read it out of his own transcript, which 
was in many things different from the copy delivered to mss. penes 
him by the chancellor ; as may be seen in the said declara- '°^" 

The visitation of St. John's college pertained to the bi- Cecil writes 
shop of Ely. To him also at this time did Cecil earnestly sLp'of Ely, 
write about these disorders in the college, and desired him the visitor. 
to exercise his jurisdiction, for the correction and stay of 
these misdemeanours, if there should be further need. He 
wrote, " That he would please to consider, how needful it Paper- 
" was, in this time, to stay the rashness of such as by heady, '""**^' 


CHAP. " sudden, and daily changes of lawful rites in the church, 
XLIV . . . 

" did procure great slander to the whole ministry and ec- 

Annoi565. « clcsiastical state of this realm. That among the which, 
4o I a }^g ^yg^g yg|.y sorry of late to understand of a notable dis- 
" order in the college of St. John's ; whereof his lordship, 
" he said, was, by ordinary authority, the visitor, and he, 
" by bringing up, an old scholar. That the particularities 
'■ of the same should be declared to his lordship by the 
" president of the same house, either by himself or by his 
" letters; to whom he had written, both as chancellor of 
" the university, and as one affectionated to that house; 
" that he should first attempt, by ordinary means, in the 
" absence of the master, to reform the said disorder ; and 
*' that if he could not, then he should send these his letters 
" to him [the said bishop.] With the which he did recom- 
" mend unto him the afflicted state of that good and divine 
" college ; most earnestly requiring him, pey- omnes cliari- 
" tates, with speed to send his commission, or other direc- 
" tion, thither, for understanding the truth of the disorders ; 
" especially of that which had been committed in the gene- 
" ral wanton throwing away of surplices in that college, 
" and of the singularity and variety begun in the admini- 
" stration of the holy communion. And further, to enjoin 
" straightly, under sharp pain, the observation of the laud- 
" able customs therein limited, and lately appointed by the 
" queen's majesty's injunctions. That in this matter no- 
" thing was more requisite than speed and severity. For 
" surely, my lord, (as he proceeded,) I am inwardly afraid, 
" that if fear shall not stay this riotous insolency, these rash 
" young heads, that are so soon ripe to climb into pulpits, 
" will content themselves with no limits, either in the 
" church or in the policy. Ita delcctantur verhorum mo- 
" nomachia ; [i. e. so are they delighted with zvord-combat,'] 
" as I doubt not but your lordship can mistrust by other 
" attempts intended in other places." 

He added, " That if cause should be that this his letter 
" should come to his lordship's hands, he prayed him to 
" advertise him of the success ; since he had partly im- 


"parted tliis matter to the queen for his own discharge. ^J|^^' 

" And that by her he had been straightly commanded to 

" see, reformation had with speed and severity: and so he^""^"'^^^* 

" had promised her majesty to do ; although, he said, he 

"would seek it first by ordinary means. But that if it 

" should otherwise fall out, he would he glad, for his dis- 

" charge, to refer the whole to her supreme authority, 

" whereupon must needs follow cause of repentance to the 

" authors of these garboils. Lastly, he prayed God to give 

" them the spirit of humility, and to taste of the fruits of 

" concord and unity ; and to sharpen their tongues against 

"• the idols [as they, it seems, had called the habits and 

" other rites] of pride, and malice, and unmercifulness, with 

" their complices : wherewith the temples of men's souls 

" were daily defiled and fully possessed." This letter was 

dated from Westminster, the 13th of December. 

The bishop of Ely, as I mentioned before, had an ac- '^^e bishop 
count given him of these innovations in other colleges also, writes to 
and the proceedings thereupon; and that from his college ^^^^'"" 
of Peter-house, by Avritings, and a messenger sent to him hereupon. 
to Downham for that purpose. And the right reverend 
father sent back his grave advice, in a letter to the master ^°^ 
and fellows of that house: " That he hoped, after this un- 
" seemly storm in the university, there would follow a godly 
" calm. He was glad to hear that none of Peter-house was 
" of that disorder. That, considering the time, so far as 
" his authority would extend, he earnestly required them 
" all to be present at service in their quire, at times usual, 
" in their surplices and hoods, meet or agreeable to their 
" degrees ; partly for example of others, and partly, to de- 
" clare themselves conformable to their most gracious so- 
" vereign"'s request : and to consider, like wise men, and 
" persons thankful to God''s infinite goodness, what a jewel 
" God had sent of such a princess, under whom they lived 
" in omni pietate et tranquillitate. Touching the doubt of 
" their statute, whether thereby they were bound to wear 
" surplices or not, (so that they used them obediently with- 
" out any further business,) he meant not at that time to 



Anno 1565 

A letter 
sent to the 
of Cam- 
bridge, to 
with the 

Dr. Beau- 
mont's sub- 
missive let- 

' make any resolution, for fear of some inconvenience, which 
' perchance might rise : but promised that hereafter, upon 
. " further conference, he would do as should be thought 
" best." This letter bore date the 15th of December. 

But notwithstanding all this care to extinguish these 
flames about the habits, and the discountenance given to 
those that would have them laid aside; yet, in this same 
month of December, they presumed to draw up among 
themselves two letters, and that in very unbeseeming lan- 
guage ; the one to the queen, the other to their chancellor, 
whereunto many were ready to subscribe their names : but 
others, more wary and wise, refused to do it ; fearing, lest, 
by that to the queen especially, the whole university might 
have incurred her great displeasure: and so means were 
found that both the letters, having as well rashness as un- 
truth in them, were stayed. And in the room of both, a 
third letter was written to the chancellor, with more mitiga- 
tion ; and subscribed by a great many members of the uni- 
versity, and, among the rest, by Rob. Beaumont, D. D. 
master of Trinity college : which he did, that by this means 
he miffht overthrow the other letters before mentioned. This 
letter was more submissively composed, petitioning for mo- 
deration and liberty to tender consciences in these points. 
But the chancellor was very angry to see the name of a 
head of a college subscribed to a matter contrary to the 
orders he had so lately sent down, to be strictly observed. 
Dr. Beaumont therefore forthwith writ a submissive letter 
to the chancellor : the substance whereof was, " That for 
" himself, he weekly wore the surplice; and for other ap- 
" pointed apparel, he not only lived in order himself, but 
" procured it in others as much as he could, and saw of- 
" fenders punished, as far as local statutes permitted : that 
" that letter was subscribed not by them that sought to 
" subvert civil order, but by humble scholars to their head 
" and chancellor, for avoiding of greater inconvenience ; 
" which then, as it seemed, could not otherwise be super- 
" seded. But the thing being disliked, he professed his 
" sorrow for it : and that he was bent to continue in order 


" without change; and also, that he would see to others CHAP. 
" which lie had to do with, as he might." ;_ 

King's college, in this hubbub among the rest of the col- Anno ises. 

leffes about the habits, remained obedient and quiet in the, '"»^<^°- 

& ' T lege con- 

wearing of them. But some whispering in the chancellor''s tinue obe- 

ears their disaffection also, they speedily vindicated them-.oo 
selves by their letter to him, dated December 17, and 
shewed him how they employed themselves in matters of 
greater moment than such external things came to : thus 
writing to him; Controversia ilia vestiaria, &c. " That 
" this contest about the habits (which they feared might 
" occasion some prejudice to a cause they had in hand, by 
*' the private slanders of some persons) had not at all dis- 
" turbed them in this tempest. But that, since they most 
" willingly submitted themselves, as well to their own pri- 
" vate and domestic statutes, as the queen"'s law, they were 
" at the furthest distance from any suspicion of it. ButMajora 
" their minds were set upon greater and weightier con- !;|!ryn"yr et 
t' cerns," &c. This was signed by eleven of the fellows ; graviora, 
of which number were Roger Goad, Tho. Hatcher, Abra- 
ham Hartwel, and Nicholas Colpotts. 

But (to go a little further with this university matter) Many in the 
the graver men, who were more in number, and of better ""T*^*'*^^ 

o _ ' _ ' condemn 

learning, did by no means like of these contentions about these con- 
wearing the surplice, cap, &c. but condemned them. One 
of these was Bartholomew Clark, LL. D. of King's college. Dr. Bar. 
and afterwards official of the arches: who in the midst of^''""*^* 
these disturbances, as it were in vindication of himself and 
many others in the university, wrote a letter to the chan- 
cellor, dated the 12th of this busy month of December: 
wherein he styled these contenders yawa^^c^ stiperpelliciani 
et galeriani; [i. e. surplice and hat Janatics ;'\ and these 
their contests inepti(E, i. e. mere trifles ; or rather (piXuvrlat, 
i. e. matters of self-love, or self-admiration. And he com- 
plained what an impediment these contentions had laid in 
the way to all useful and learned studies. That these men 
had by their counsels so disturbed all things, that the time 
which was wont heretofore to be employed in good arts and 



CHAP, sciences, was now spent and consumed in trivial janglings 
de lana caprina. That those who brought in among them 

Anno 1565. the first seedplots of these things, though otherwise they 
might be good and rehgious men, yet in this they were 
partly unjust, though more obscurely so ; and partly openly 
ungrateful, without any dissembling or covert, in that they 
rashly opposed the will of a most noble chancellor, and 
feigned to themselves laws of conscience, and had infected 
many with their poison, not to say anabaptisvi : that they 
had cast an infamy upon the university : that the pretence 
of conscience served some of them to conceal somewhat else. 
And then he mentioned a sophister of one of the colleges, 
that lately came into the quire, and placed himself among 
the thickest of the rest of the company, all with their sur- 
plices on, but he alone without one. And when the censor 
of the college had called him, and questioned him for this 
irregularity, he answered modestly, laying the cause upon 
his conscience, which would not suffer him to let loose the 
reins to such things: when at length the true cause was 
known to be, that he had pawned his surplice to a cook, 
with whom he had run in debt for his belly. In conclusion, 
this learned man beseeched the chancellor to remedy these 
gross follies : and that whereas the pulpits and schools now 
for a good while had sounded with little else than those 
empty paradoxes, they might flow henceforward with the 
484 most pure fountains of the gospel. And that he would put 
a final end, if possible, to these controversies, or rather 
The minis- And SO we leave the university, and return back to Lon- 
don set don, to take some further observation of the ministers there, 
forth a book ^yJiQ scrupled Wearing the apparel. While the controversies 
apparel. about it were so hot, and many ministers in the said city 
displaced for the refusal thereof, as hath been already re- 
lated, among the rest of the books set forth on this occasion, 
there came forth a little treatise in their justification, written 
and published by themselves in the ensuing year, viz. 1566, 
entitled, A brief discourse against the outward apparel 
and mi7iistering garments of the pojnsh church : but the 


running title was. The tinfolding of the popish attire. CHAP. 
And the title which stood on the first page, where the dis- _;_ 

course began, was different from them both, and more par- Anno loes. 
ticular, viz. A Declaration of the doings of those ministers 
of God's zaord and sacraments in the city of London^ 
which have refused to xcear the upper apparel and minis- 
tering garments of the pope's church. Beginning, " Con- 
" sidering how hurtful a thing to a Christian common- 
" wealth it is to have the ministers of God's word despised, 
" and brought into contempt, we have thought it our duty 
" briefly to declare in writing, and to be set forth to be 
" seen of all men, some part of the reasons and grounds of 
" our doings, in refusing to wear the outward apparel and 
" ministering garments of the pope's church," &c. 

So that this book, containing the general sense of them The con- 
all, as being sent abroad by their common consent in vindi- arguments 
cation of themselves, may be concluded to shew the full thereof, 
strength of their objections against these habits : and there- 
fore not unworthy to be read. The contents whereof I 
shall impartially lay down. One ground of their refusal 
was this : that the power that God had given to his mi- 
nisters was given them, that they should thereby edify the 
church of Christ, and not destroy it or pull it down. They 
therefore, knowing that they had received power to edify, 
and not to destroy; and that a day would come wherein 
they shoiild be sure to receive at his hands, whose builders 
they were, according to their doings, either in building up 
or piilling down, or in staying and hindering of that which 
should have been builded by others ; dared not be so bold 
as to admit the outward and ministering apparel of the 
popish church, till it might manifestly appear unto them, 
that the same might help forward and not pull down, stay 
or hinder the building up of the Lord''s temple, which is 
his church or congregation. That they would not therefore 
in these days refuse them, if they might but conceive a 
hope, that the use of them might help forward with the 
Lord's building. But forasmuch as they saw plainly the 
contrary, they might in no case admit them. 

M 2 


CHAP. They granted that of themselves thev were things indif- 
ferent, and mioht be used or not used, as occasion should 

Anno 1565. serve. But when the use of them would destroy or not 
edify, then ceased they to be so indifferent. And this hin- 
derance of edification by these habits was proved, both in 
respect of the simple Christians and of the stubborn pa- 
485 First, the simple Christians were by these things so 
grieved, that when they saw them receive the habits, they 
sorrowed and mourned in their hearts. And such among 
them as were not so strong, but that they did somewhat 
depend upon their example and doctrine, those were beaten 
back to superstition ; from which they were before making 
haste to fly. And unless God did by his Spirit stay them, 
they should by their example, in revolting to those things 
which they had taught to be superfluous and superstitious, 
take occasion to think, that there was no truth in any thing 
that they had taught ; and so cleave to the false religion, 
whereof these indifferent things were relics and remnants, 
and so utterly forsake the true religion of Christ. 

Secondly, the blind, stubborn, and obstinate papists, 
whom they ought by all means possible to draw out of the 
dark dungeon of ignorance, superstition, and error, should, 
by their receiving these things, be encouraged, not only to 
continue in ignorance, superstition, and error, but also to 
increase in the same; being more confirmed therein by 
their returning again to those things that they had both by 
doctrine and example disallowed and forsaken, than they 
could have been by the persuasion of many of their own 
opinion. For they must needs think, that they [the mi- 
nisters] which had so earnestly refused and spoken against 
these things, would never have received them again, unless 
it had been made manifest unto them, that without them 
their ministry was sore defaced, and almost utterly pro- 
A clause in Then they took notice of the answer that was given to 
tisements ' ^his in the bishops' Advertisements, where it is thus ex- 
answered, pressed : " It shall be lawful for all ministers to teach and to 


" protest, that they do not use these things as things without CHAP. 
" the which the ministration should be profaned or defaced, . 

but only for decency and comely order, uniformity and^""°i^^5' 
" obedience to our prince ;" as the same was plainly set 
forth in the Advertisements. To which they reply, that 
this wisdom and policy passed the wisdom of God : and 
that it was much like the wisdom of them that would have 
images in churches, not to worship them, but by them to 
exercise their strength in refraining from the worshipping 
of them. But the wisdom of God, who knoweth what we 
are, and how ready to abuse even his good creatures which 
he hath made to serve our necessities, hath plainly forbid- 
den his people the having images, and commanded them to 
destroy them, and all the furniture of them. And in things 
not commanded nor forbidden, he hath said that his people 
shall not follow their own fantasies, in adding any thing to 
his commandments. But by the mouth of his prophets he 
hath utterly disallowed their additions; saying. In vain do 
they worship me, which teach things that are but the com- 
mandments of men. 

The wisdom of God said. Take heed that ye offend 7iot 
one of those little ones that believe in me. And, Wo unto 
them by whom offences come. A wise shipper, that knoweth 
where dangers do lie in the sea, will not on purpose sail so 
near those dangers, as he may possibly not escape : but con- 
trariwise he will hale aloof, and be sure, if the weather will 
suffer him, not to fall upon those dangers. Yea, and if he 486 
see that the weather will not suffer him to hold the strait 
course without danger to fall upon the rocks or flats, he 
will rather run upon another point, where he is sure to find 
sea^room enough. And shall we, that be Lord"'s men in the 
ship of Christ, to try our cunning, creep so near the flats or 
rocks, that we put our whole charge in danger of perishing 
by falling upon them ? God forbid. 

Then they proceeded to answer an objection, viz. that The case of 
princes had authority in things neither commanded nor for-^,"-"',,^';^. 
bidden ; to command them to be used, or not to be used, different, 
In refusing therefore to use them at the commandment of 

M 3 


CHAP, the prince, they did not only resist the ordinance of God 
^^^^' themselves, but they did also fall under that inconvenience 

Anno 1565. which they would so fain seem to be afraid of; that is, they 
became stumbling-blocks to the simple subjects : who, see- 
ing their disobedience, were encouraged to think that it was 
none offence at all to disobey a prince : and so seeming to 
fly from the gulf, they were upon the most dangerous rocks. 
To this they answered thus : the things which they did re- 
^^ fuse were such as God had neither commanded nor forbid- 
den, otherwise than in the use and abuse of them. And 
therefore princes had no authority either to command or 
forbid them otherwise than so. That if the prince shall 
take in hand to command them any of those things which 
God hath not commanded, in such sort that they might not 
leave them undone, (unless they should run into the penalty 
of the law,) when they should see that' in the doing thereof 
they could not edify, but destroy ; they must then refuse to 
do the thing commanded by the prince, and humbly submit 
themselves to suffer the penalty : but in any case not to 
consent to infringe the Christian liberty ; which is, to use 
things indifferent to edification, and not to destruction. And 
if the prince should forbid any of those things to be done 
whicli in their own nature were indifferent, so that when we 
should see, that the leaving them undone should destroy, or 
not edify ; then might they not leave them undone, but do 
them to the edification of the church; and submit them- 
selves lowly to suffer, at the hand of the prince, the execu- 
tion of that penalty that the law did appoint, for doing that 
which the prince should in such case forbid to be done. 

And this was not to give example of disobedience, but 
by example to teach true obedience, both to God and also 
to man. 

Considering therefore that at this time, by admitting the 
outward apparel and ministering garments of the pope''s 
church, not only the Christian liberty should be manifestly 
infringed, but the whole religion of Christ would be brought 
to be esteemed no other thing than the pleasure of princes ; 
they thought it their duties, being ministers of God's word 


and sacraments, utterly to refuse to shew their conformity CHAP, 
in receiving those things that then were urged and en- ;_ 

forced; and yet wilhng to submit themselves to suffer what- Anno i565. 
soever punishment the laws did appoint in that case : and 
so to teach by their example true obedience both to God 
and man ; and yet to keep the Christian liberty sound, and 
the Christian religion to be such, that no prince or poten- 
tate might alter or change the same. They hoped there- 
fore, that their prince and all good men would like well 
with this their doing. 

Then they went on to shew how unnecessary it was for 487 
ministers of God's word to be known from other men by 
any outward apparel, or by any such difference as they were 
then required to admit : and afterwards, how unmeet it was 
to admit the garments then enforced : and that by consider- 
ing whence they first came ; how they had been used ; what 
opinions men have had, and still have of them, and what 
should happen unto them [the said ministers] if they should 
then receive them. 

For the first, that they were partly Jewish and partly inconveni- 
heathenish. Secondly, idolaters, conjurers, and sorcerers, ^"'^^^j^'^""* 
did nothing without these garments. For the third, the upon wear- 
obstinate papists supposed, that without these things no|,a^t,its. 
holiness could be in aught that they did. The weak papists, 
that were contented to be partakers with them, did find 
none so great fault with them, as that they ministered with- 
out their ministering garments. And the simple gospellers 
supposed, that they ought not to communicate with those 
that used those garments. And therefore that the ministers 
themselves, although they knew the indifferency of these 
things in their own nature, yet considering how these three 
sorts did esteem them, could not be persuaded, that they 
should be meet to occupy the place of pastors in the church 
of Christ, if they should now use them. Then they quoted 
Bucer, IMartyr, Ridley, and Jewel. 

Fourthly, as to what should happen to them, if they 
should use them ; namely, it should hajjpen to them as it 
happened unto IVIoses, if he should have consented to bring 

M 4 


CHAP, the Hebrews back again into Egypt, after he had brought 
them out of that land and through the Red sea. That they 

Anno 1565. ]^a^(j by doctrme brought many out of the Romish slavery 
of idol service, and now by example had begun to go before 
them in the utter abolishing of all those chains of darkness, 
wherewith they had been long held in miserable captivity. 
And were it meet, that they should now afresh bind them- 
selves and them with the same chains ? Fearins therefore 
to lose themselves with the loss of so many souls, besides 
themselves, they had chose to venture the loss of worldly 
commodities, rather than to hazard that which no earthly 
treasure could buy : trusting that their prince, and others in 
authority, would favour their just cause, and not mislike 
with them, because they feared God more than man ; and were 
more loath to lose the heavenly kingdom than earthly com- 
modities. They hoped, that all wise men did see the mark 
the earnest solicitors of this matter [i. e. the enforcers of the 
habits] did shoot at. They were not, neither were at any 
time, protestants ; but when time served them, they were 
bloody persecutors; and since time failed them, they had 
borne back as much as lay in them. Should we think then 
that such did seek the advancement of God's glory in the 
setting forth of his true religion.? No, no; their purpose 
was in them, silly wretches, to deface the glorious gospel of 
Christ Jesus. 

A prayer of Besides this declaration, they framed a prayer to be used 

tli6 rcfusGrs ^ • • • ^^ */ 

of the ha- ^t this time; wherein they confess, as some of God's judg- 
bits. ments for their sins, " that those in power neglected that 

" they ought to have done, to the hinderance of the course 
488 " of the gospel ; and that the relics of Romish idolatry was 
" stoutly maintained ; and that they were bereaved of some 
" of their pastors, who by word and example sought to free 
" the flock from these offences ; and that this was the joy 
" of Antichrist his limbs :"" reflecting too severely and un- 
charitably upon the government, and those that were in 
authority in the church. 
Another Near about this time another book, proceeding from the 

book a- ,. f 1 X 1 1 1 

gainst ha- same discontent, came iorth. It had been suppressed for 


some years, upon hopes of reformation ; [that is, of things CHAP. 
by them supposed amiss in the church;] but now, after ^^'^• 

many ministers were deposed for their noncompliance with Anno ises. 
the orders of the church, the author set forth his book, ^J'^^^^^^'jd.^^ 
bitter enough, and full of scoffs and taunts, bearing this 
title, A pleasant Dialogue between a soldie?- of Berwick and 
an English chaplain : wherein are largely handled and laid 
open such reasons as are brought for maintenance of popish 
traditions in our English church. Also are collected, as in 
a short table [no less than] oiie hundred and twenty particu- 
lar corruptions remaining in our said church; "with sundry 
other matters to be hnown of all persons. It is prefaced 
with a letter of the author's, " To his reverend fathers and 
" brethren in Christ, Mr. Coverdale, Mr. Turner, Mr.Whit- 
" tingham, Mr. Sampson, Dr. Humfrey, Mr. Lever, Mr. 
" Crowley, and others, that laboured to gather out the 
" weeds of popery : exhorting them, to whom God had 
" given greater gifts, and whom he had called in greater 
*' rooms, to be (as they were most bounden) zealous for 
*' God's glory, with godly jealousy to present the church 
" and spouse of Christ under their charge a pure virgin to 

" Christ her husband. Nothing doubting of their zeal 

*' and dihgence, who, being in authority, were first called 
" to the battle, to strive for God's grace, and the edifica- 
" tion of his people, against the Romish relics and rags of 
" popery." The book begins in this sarcastical strain, where 
Miles the soldier speaks thus to Bernard the priest, " But 
" Bernard, I pray thee tell me of thine honesty, what was 
" the cause that thou hast been in so many changes of ap- 
" parel this forenoon, now black, now white, now in silk 
" and gold, and now at length in this swouping black gown, 
" and this sarcenet flaunting tippet ; wearing also more 
" horns upon thy head [meaning the square cap] than ever 
" thy father," &c. 

To which let me add the mention of another book And an- 
against the habits, that came forth the next year, printed "^'"''■• 
at Embden, entitled. The mind and exposition of that ex- 
cellent man Martin Buccr iqyon those words of St. Mat" 


CHAP, theto. Woe to the world because of offences. Matt, xvlii. 

* _faitlifully translated into English, hy a JaitJvful brother . 

hnnoibGb.dyid certain objections and answers to the same. In the 
same book also follows the Judgment of the reverend father 
Henry BulUnger, pastor of the church of Zurich, in certain 
matters in religion being in controversy in many countries, 
even whereas the gospel is taught. The author in this book 
seems to make use of some passages in the writings of those 
great foreign divines of the reformation, to favour the re- 
fusers of the habits in England ; perverting their sense and 
judgment in these controversies plainly and evidently by 
them expressed and declared elsewhere in their letters. 
489 While these dissensions about the ceremonies of ecclesi- 

They write astical habits were in this fermentation, the dissenting bre- 

to Bezii * ' o 

thren sent letters to Beza, (as they did also to the learned 
men of Zuiich,) laying open to him the present state of the 
church, with as much disadvantage as they could. Accord- 
ing to which, Beza soon after wrote of it to Bullinger, 
as we shall see by and by. They also craved his advice in 
two things : 

I. By what means the queen and bishops might be ad- 
monished of their duty .'' 

II. What they might do in this juncture with a good 
conscience ? 

And Beza Beza seriously deliberating with himself, and knowing 
to Buiiin- |-]-jg queen had no great esteem for the church of Geneva, 

ger, con- . 

cerniug and that she and the bishops had an honourable respect for 
^^^' that of Zurich, resolved to write to Bullinger, the chief 
pastor there, and to give him an account of the state of the 
church of England, and to excite him earnestly to send 
Gualter into the said kingdom to the queen and the bishops, 
to intercede in the behalf of the refusers, and to persuade 
to some further reformation in the church. And this he 
thought would happen very seasonably, a parliament being 
at hand, wherein matters of the church would be transacted. 
So he wrote a private letter to the said Bullinger, wherein 
he told him, " How the miserable brethren craved the 
" counsel, comfort, and prayers of those churches, by 


" whose charity they were once reUeved, and hoped again CHAP. 
" to be so. He confessed that some of them were some- '_ 

" what morose : but in such miseries, he said, it was hard Anno isso. 

" to keep due bounds ; and since their aim was good, his 

" opinion was, that their importunity was to be excused. 

** That by the accounts of the ecclesiastical affairs of Eng- 

" land, as he further told father Bullinger, popery was not 

" cast out of England, but rather transferred to the queen's 

" majesty ; and that nothing else was drove at, than that 

*' what had been lately taken away, might be by httle and 

" little restored again. He thought, he said, that the busi- 

" ness had been about caps, and such external matters ; but 

" that the controversy was much different, he afterwards 

*' understood, and that with exceeding trouble and sorrow 

" of mind. That when the outward calling, the examina- 

" tion of doctrine and manners preceding, done not by any 

" one person, but the whole company of the brethren, was 

*' as it were the basis and foundation of the ecclesiastical 

" ministry, what was baser and more irregular, than that 

" liberty the bishops took, to ordain at their own pleasure, 

" not those that were called, but those that came of their 

" own accord ? And presently, without any place appointed 

*' them, they approved them fit either to se}-ve, as they 

" called it, or to teach. And at length they called whom 

" they pleased, and set them over what churches they 

" pleased, giving them a certain instrument for a price, and 

" interposing an oath for two things, viz. that they should 

" acknowledge the queen's majesty for the supreme head of 

" the church next under Christ, and that they would follow 

" the laws of the kingdom, and especially the book of the 

" reformation [meaning the liturgy] and all the rites, and 490 

" to disallow of nothing therein. 

" As for the ecclesiastical discipline, that it was not other- 
" wise than was in the papacy ; that in the place of a pres- 
" bytery lawfully chosen, they had their deans, chancellors, 
" archdeacons, officials, who, according to their wills, and as 
" it useth to be in the civil courts, pronounced excommuni- 
" cation Jure canofiico, even for pleas of money and such 

CHAP. " like. Which sentence the bishop, or his official, sent to 

VT TV • • 

1_" the minister to be read in the church; and this to hold 

Anno 1565." vahd, until they come and agree with the judge. And 
" the same course was taken in absolving as in excommuni- 
" eating. How little were they distant from the law of ce- 
" libacy, who might not marry wives without the express 
" letters of the queen, and the assent of the bishop, and 
" two other j ustices of the peace ? And being married, they 
" were forbid to bring their wives into colleges, or within 
" the bounds of the cathedral churches, as though they 
" were unclean. That not only the revenues of the bene- 
" fices were left to papists, but the ecclesiastical offices them- 
" selves, yielding only an oath to observe the reformation. 
" Insomuch that the godly brethren were placed under 
" many unlearned priests, and such as were most bitter 
*' enemies in their hearts to religion, and were forced to be 
" subject to their jurisdiction. That in the archbishop's 
" court were publicly set to sale dispensations for non-resi- 
*' dence, pluralities of benefices, choice of meats, marrying 
*' out of the appointed times, for a child to hold a benefice, 
" and other things of that nature ; than which Rome itself 
" had not any thing more filthy and unworthy. That bap- 
" tism by women was allowed of in case of necessity. That 
" of those few that were pure preachers of the gospel, some 
" were put out of their livings, some thrust into prisons, 
*' unless they would promise to approve of all these, and 
" not to gainsay them in word or writing, and resembled 
" the priests of Baal, by wearing square caps, tippets, sur- 
" plices, and the like. Nor was this all, but that whatsoever 
" hereafter the queen, or the archbishop alone, pleased to 
" appoint, change, or take away in the rites of the church, 
" should be holden firm and good. This, he said, was the 
" state of this church, which to him was miserable and in- 
" tolerable. 

" His judgment was, that though God alone could cure 
" this evil, yet that some trial should be made, rather than 
" it should be endured that such a building should by suf- 
" fcred insolence fall down. That as for their church of 


" Geneva, he left him to judge how it was hated by the CHAP. 

" queen, in that she had never by the least word signified '__ 

" that his present to her of his annotations was acceptable. Anno 1565. 

" That the cause of her hatred was twofold. One was, tliat 

" they were esteemed too severe and rigid, which especially 

" displeased, he said, such as were afraid of being rebuked. 

" The other, that heretofore, while queen Mary lived, two 

" books were published at Geneva, yet without their know- 

" ledge ; one against the government of women, by Mr. 

" Knox; the other of ^A^ right of the magistracy/, by Mr. 

" Gudman. But when they knew what was contained in 

" both these books, the French church was displeased at 

" them, and accordingly they were forbid to be exposed to491 

" sale. But the queen nevertheless cherished her conceived 

" ill opinion. And that their church therefore was not fit 

" to send either messenger or letter to the queen, for the 

" regulation of these disorders. But he did earnestly de- 

" sire, that some might be sent from Zurich ; for that theirs 

" was the church alone, by whose authority both the queen 

" and the bishops did seem to be moved. And therefore 

" that by the authority of the magistrate, or at least by 

" their permission and connivance, somebody might be 

" chose out of their congregation, who should go into Eng- 

" land for this very cause, and sue to the queen and bi- 

" shops for a remedy against all these evils. That this 

" would be a truly heroical fact, worthy of their city, and 

" highly grateful to God. That they had a good way 

" through France to Diep by a land journey, which they 

" might despatch in eleven days ; and from Diep into Eng- 

" land, with a good wind, in ten hours : and that in their 

" way they might salute and confirm many French churches, 

" and take one or two of the learneder of those churches 

" with them. And finally, he pitched upon Rodulf Gualter, 

" in all respects, as the fittest to manage and despatch this 

" matter. So that he might seem to be one sent thither by 

" God's own voice, to refresh the poor bretlu-en, and to 

" preserve the kingdom. Or at least, if they declined this, 

" to send their letter at large both to the queen and bi- 


CHAP. " shops, to admonish them to tlieir duty. And he doubted 
" not but a message so godly and charitable would be well 

Anno 1565. " taken both by the queen and the godly bishops at least ; 
" who, he heard, with the lord keeper, sought for a fit oc- 
" casion to move for a redress of these things." These are 
the contents of Beza's letter, which, having so many histo- 

N°.XXIX. rical remarks in it, I have put in the Appendix. This 
counsel Beza urged again the next year, as we shall hear in 
due place. But with what modesty, deference, and wisdom 
those Helvetian divines interposed in this church's differ- 
ences we have seen, and shall perhaps see more hereafter. 

A volume J g}^^j| ^^^ j.j^jg habit-controversy at present with the 

of learned . ... 

foreigners' mention of a book, that, as it seems, about this time was 
oSapTnd ^^^ forth, the better to satisfy the minds of the scruplers, 
surplice, out of a deference to the judgments of the learned, grave, 
and chief heads of the protestant churches abroad ; collected 
and published by the archbishop of Canterbury, and others, 
as I suppose, of the ecclesiastical commission, on purpose to 
bring these contentions to an amicable and peaceable end. 
It was a thin octavo, consisting of several pieces, both let- 
ters and discourses, concerning the ceremonies of cap and 
surplice, &c. The first was a tract handling this question, 
Whethei' it be mortal sin to transgress civil laws, xoliicli he 
the commandments of civil magistrates: being the judg- 
Meianc- ment of Philip Melancthon, in his epitome of moral philo- 
' sophy. Then follows another discourse of the same author 
upon the 13th chapter of the epistle to the Romans, Let 
every soul he subject to the higher powers, &c. Next is 
Builinger; Henry Bullinger's letter to the reverend fathers in Christ, 
Dr. Robert Horn, bishop of Winchester, Dr. Edmund Grin- 
dal, bishop of London, and Dr. John Parkhurst, bishop of 
492 Norwich, his most honourable lords, and most dear brethren 
in England. In which letter that learned man enclosed his 
letter to Mr. N. and Mr. M. [i. c. Sampson and Humfrey,] 
those godly and learned men, and his worshipful friends. 
Archbishop Next is Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, his 
"^'^* letter to Dr. Martin Bucer at Cambridge ; beginning, "After 
" my hearty commendations, right well-beloved Master Bu- 


" cer, I have read the book which you have sent to Dr. CHAP. 
" Peter Alexander, concerning the controversy betwixt ^ 

" Master Hoper and the bishop of London," &c. Then Anno i665. 
follows Bucer's answer to the foresaid letter: then comes Bucer; 
Hoper's letter to Bucer : and Peter Martyr's to the same Peter Mar- 
reverend and learned father, John Hoper, bishop, written ^^' 
from Oxford, November 4, 1550. The next letter is from 
Bucer to A Lasco, concerning the same controversy of the 
habits ; beginning, " The Lord grant unto us in these trou- 
" blesome times of the church, to begin and finish all things, 
" that offences and dangers be not increased, Amen.'''' In 
the same volume follows a treatise, entitled, A hrlef and 
lamentable cons'uleration of the apparel now used hy the 
clergy of England: set out hy a Jctitliful servant of God 
for the 'instruction qfthe weal:. This book came forth upon 
occasion of certain pamphlets, which the dissenters to the 
habits had published, as an answer thereto. This I verily 
think to have been writ by archbishop Parker himself, or 
by some other person by his order, and wherein he had an 


The controversy between Jewels bishop of Sarum, and 
Harding of Lovain ; and between Horn, bishop of Win- 
ton, and Feckenham, late abbot of Westminster. His 
confess'ions. A visitation qfthe diocese of Litclifield and 
Coventry. Dominicus Lampsonius, sometime servant to 
cardinal Pole, his letter to Cecil. 

As controversies happened this year between the bishops jewel re- 
and the protestant dissenters, so others happened also ^6-Hannn^°at 
tween some of them and certain papists, who were not want- Paul's 
ing to bestir themselves. T. Harding, late of New College, 
Oxon, was one; who, under king Edward VI. had been a 
great hearer of Peter Martyr"'s lectures at Oxford, and a very 
zealous protestant ; but under queen Mary came about, and 
was as hot the other way, being preferred under her to a 
prebend of Winchester, and the treasurership of Sarum. 


CHAP. This heat continued in the man under queen Elizabeth, 

'__ flying beyond sea for the profession of his last chosen reli- 

Anno i56'5.gion, and now remaining at Lovain. Here he wrote a book 
against bishop Jewers challenge made to the papists, in a 
sermon at Paul's Cross, mentioned before ; which book came 
out 1564, printed at Lovain. In May 1565, the bishop, 
preaching at PauFs Cross, took occasion to make some ob- 
4Q3 servations upon some authorities in Harding's book ; wherein 
were alleged with much vaunt, spurious authors ; and among 
the rest, Amphilochius. Which author. Jewel said in that 
audience, that he had bound up in an old parchment book 
with St. Thomas the popish martyr. He mentioned also, 
it seems, out of that book, with some sport, a tale of angels 
singing pricksong to St. Basil's mass. He spake there also, 
" How he believed Harding did inwardly allow the gos- 
" pel ; that he was but a translator of other men's books ; 
" that he had made learned lies, used false allegations, de- 
" pravations, wrestings, dreams, &c. That his proof of 
" private mass stood upon old men, women, and boys.'* 
This came soon to Harding's ears, being now at Antwerp ; 
and he presently, in a letter in English to the bishop, whom 
he styled barely Mr. John Jewel, (which letter, for the more 
public boast, he also printed in Antwerp,) with a great deal 
of confidence required, " To let him have his whole ser- 
" mon, as he would stand to it ; for that he had only some 
" abstracts of it. And this, he said, he required of him, if 
" his mind were indeed to have the truth known to the peo- 
" pie, and not under his gay rhetoric to abuse them in 
*' error. And then Jewel should see, whether he [Harding] 
" would shew substantial matter in learning for his authors, 
" which Jewel, in his pleasant devices, made so light of." 
And at the conclusion of his vapouring letter, he gives the 
reason why he made the said letter common, viz. because 
the matter was common, and pertaining to the charge of 
souls : and therefore he wrote this letter in public, the more, 
he said, to force the bishop to grant his request. This was 
dated from Antwerp, 12th of June, 1565. 
And an- And then at the bottom of this letter to the bishop, he 

other to 
the readert 

sends him 
a letter. 
Prints it. 


bestows another to the reader, that every reader might see CHAP, 
his request to Mr. Jewel, touching the true copy of his ser- 

And prayed the reader, " That since the matter of AnnoisCo. 
" their controversy was come to such issue, that Jewel had 
" replied to Harding's answer of his challenge, and that reply 
" was tlien in pi'int, that he would for a time suspend his 
" verdict in the cause, and ground not too peremptory a 
" judgment upon what Jewel said, till he [Harding] or 
" some others should make a rejoinder : and that by such ab- 
" stracts of his late sermon as had come to his hand, he saw 
" already what manner of pelf must be the stuffing of his 
" huge work then in the press." And by this ostentatious 
letter, he would make the world beheve, that he could and 
would do mighty things ; and woe be to poor bishop Jewel. 
This letter to the bishop, with his address to the reader, as 
it was printed in a large sheet of paper on one side, is ex- 
emplified in the Appendix. N». XXX. 

But if the reader please, let him take an account of Har- 
ding's quarrel with Jewel, from Jewel's own pen, as he writ 
it in a letter to Bullinger. 

"Our fugitives of Lovain began the year past in great Jewel to 
" numbers to be moved, and to write most bitterly against co^ncernlng 
" VIS all, and me only by name. And why so .'' you will say. tiiis contro- 
" I know not, unless because they know me alone the most e^ jj,.*j.{,iy^ 
" unapt for fight, and the weakest to resist. Yet six years J'''^'"ofh. 
" ago, when I preached at court before the queen, and spoke 
" concerning the antiquity of the popish religion, I remem- 4^4 
" ber I said this among other things. That our adversaries, 
" ivhen they charge our cause xvith novelty, do wrong us, and 
*' deceive the people. For they, instead of old things, ap- 
" prove of new, and condemn those things as new, which 
" are most ancient: Jbr the private masses, and halfcom- 
*' mtmions, and natural and real presences, and transub- 
" stantiations, ^c. {in ivh'ich matters all their religion is 
" contained,) have no certain and expj'css testimony either 
" in the sacred scriptures, or ancient councils orjathers, or 
" are of any antiquity at all. This they took heinously, 
" barked at in corners, called me an impudent, a confident, 



CHAP. " an insolent, and a frantic man. Four years after, out 
" comes one Harding unlooked for, formerly an auditor 

Anno i56"5." and admirer of Peter Martyr, and an earnest preacher of 
" the gospel, now a vile apostate, and well known to Julius 
"our friend; and he refutes me out of Amphilochius's, 
" Abdias'^s, Hippolytus''s, Clemenfs, Victor''s, spurious 
" Athanasius's, Leontius's, Cletus's, Anacletus''s, the decre- 
" tal epistles, dreams, and fables. I answered him the last 
" year the best I could. But I had scarce finished it, but 
*' presently flies abroad a ConJ'utat'ion of my Apology ; a 
" great and laborious work, and stuffed with reproaches, 
" slanders, lies, and falsehoods. Here I am again pelted 
" at; and I must answer." And this at length produced 
his admirably useful, learned book, entitled, his Defence. 
His said letter to BuUinger remains still in the archives of 
the library of Zurich. 

Controversy And as bishop Jewel had this work with Harding, so 

between , , , , , 

bisiiop Horn Horn, bishop of Winton, was fain to write a book in his 

and Fecken- Q^yj^ vindication affainst Feckenham, late abbot of West- 
ham. . ^ . ' . 

minster. The occasion whereof was this : about the year 

1564 Feckenham wrote his Declaration; copies whereof 

were secretly spread abroad among his friends, entitled, 

Fecken- j[ Declaration of such scruples and stays of conscience. 

ham's book. ^. , , ^ ,, x 7 t^ , 7 

touching the oath of supremacy^ as Mr. John heckenham 
by writing did deliver unto the lord bishop of Winchester^ 
with his resolution made thereto. This bishop Horn hear- 
ing of, was somewhat nettled, and in April 1565 got a copy. 
The book, in truth, was writ while Feckenham was in the 
Tower of London, in the time of the parliament, holden 
• Jan. 12, anno 5, of the queen. The true reason of writing 
which book was, because he and his Tower-fellows, hearing 
the bill, moved for the assurance of the queen's royal power, 
should pass and be established, did conceive, that imme- 
diately after the same session of parliament, commissioners 
should be sent unto them to exact the oath. Whereupon 
he, to be in some readiness to withstand and refuse it, not 
without the help of the rest, as was conjectured, devised his 
matter contained in the book, and committed the same to 


writing, and purposed to have delivered it for their answer, CHAP, 
touching the oath of supremacy, to the commissioners, if. 

they had come. This appeared by the title of the booky Anno 1 565. 
which Feckenham first delivered to Horn, viz. The Anszver 
viade by Mr. John Feckenham, priest, and prisoner i7i the 
Toxoer, to the queerus liighness's commissioners, touching 
the oath of the supremacy. In this book there was no mention 
of scruples and stays delivered to the bishop of Winchester, 
but of an.^wer to the queen's commissioners. The bishop 
was not once named in the title, nor yet in the book, nor 495 
was there one word as spoken to the bishop, although in the 
book set abroad Feckenham turned all as spoken to him. 

From that time to October following, in the year 1564, Feckenham 
he was delivered to bishop Horn's custody. At his first ^^ tue'bi- 
coming, the bishop told him, and many times after, that he *!»<'?• 
was welcome, being sent of the council ; and he found it so. 
And from that time to the end of January, there was daily 
conference between Feckenham and the bishop in matters of conference 
religion ; but chiefly touching four points, which he termed I'lj*^'^^" 
scruples and stays of conscience ; and that by word of 
mouth, not by any writing. In all which points he was so 
answered, that he had nothing to object, but seemed re- 
solved, and in a manner fully satisfied. Whereupon the bi- 
shop made relation afterwards to certain honourable persons 
of the good hope he had conceived of his conformity. But 
when a friend of his standing by, and hearing what the bi- 
shop spake in his commendation, shortly after reported the 
same unto Feckenham, he much disliked it ; doubting his 
confederates should understand his revolt : which they ever 
feared, having experience of his shrinking from them at 
Westminster, in the conference there, the first year of the 
queen"'s majesty. After that, the bishop found him much 
more repugnant and contrary to that which beforetime he 
seemed in a manner thoroughly resolved ; and also to go 
from that he before agreed to. 

Thenceforward in debating, Feckenham used many shifts, He useth 
and quarrelled with sophistication of words : whereat the bi- ^,.ith the 
shop desired him to write his positions and assertions in form bishop ; 

N 2 


CHAP, of propositions. Which Feckenham would not do, but still 
^^^' stood uncertainly in granting and denying at his pleasure. 

Aano 1565. The bishop then drew out in form of assertion such things as 
he had gathered out of his own mouth to be his opinion, and 
gave them in writing to Feckenham ; but he wovild in no 
wise stand to them, nor rest in any one, but still used his 
Which the accustomcd wrangling and wandering at large. Which so 
sents!' misliked the bishop, that he charged him with inconstancy ; 
saying, that he would sometimes deny that which before he 
granted, and grant that which before he denied. After this, 
being much pressed herewith, and perceiving that his quarrel- 
ling with the words of the statute could no longer cover his ill 
meaning, at length he required, that the bishop should put in 
writing the words of the oath, with his sense and interpreta- 
tion added thereto ; that he thereupon might devise the form 
of his propositions, whereupon they might afterward debate. 
The bishop After this, in February, certain persons of worship re- 
hani^eason' sorted to the bishop's house, partly to see him, and partly 
before an to hear somewhat between Feckenham and the bishop. At 
this time, after they had reasoned in certain points touching 
religion, wherein Feckenham seemed openly to have little 
matter to stand in, but rather yielded to the most in sub- 
stance that the bishop had said ; being afterwards withdrawn 
in some of their companies, although he did seem openly 
to consent and agree with the bishop in that which he said, 
yet, said he to them, the matter itself is grounded here, 
pointing to his breast, that shall never go out. Which being 
told the bishop, he did vehemently challenge him for his 
496 double-dealing and colourable behaviour, and said, that he 
thought he did not that he did, out of conscience at all, and 
therefore counted it but lost labour further to travail with 
such an one, as had neither conscience nor constancy. 
Fecken- But Feckenham, to shew that he did all out of con- 

of OTn-'^^* science, shewed him both what he had suffered for the same 
science. in divers manners, and also how the same was groimded in 
him long before. For proof whereof, he offered to shew the 
bishop a book of his, that he had devised in the Tower, and 
did shortly after deliver to the bishop, not as his scruples 


and doubts to remove at the bishop's hands, but only to de- CHAP, 
clare that the matter had been long -before settled in him. 

And this was the only and mere occasion of the delivery of Anno i565. 

that book unto the bishop. All this above written, I have 

taken out of the bishop of Winchester's answer to Mr. Winches- 

'■ ter s answer 

Feckenham, printed this year. toFecken- 

But to go on further with this relation : Feckenham being J^^m. ^ ^ 
now in the Tower, secretary Cecil hearing of the writings Fe^^en- 
that had passed between the said bishop and him, touching ham's writ- 

^ , ••JIT ings: 

the oath of the queen s supremacy, uitmiatecl to the lieu- 
tenant of the Tower, that he should acquaint Feckenham, 
that he, the secretary, desired to have them sent unto him to 
peruse : which, in the month of March, Feckenham accord- Sent to the 
ingly did, together with a letter to him. " And therein he March 14', 
" humbly beseeched his honour, that while he read them he^564^^ 
" would observe how slenderly the bishop had satisfied his house. 
" expectation; who, in requesting of his lordship to be re- j^J^^^^'^^J 
" solved by the authority of the scriptures, doctors, general him con- 
" councils, and by the example of like government in some ^"J," p^ * '^ 
" one part and church of all Christendom, his lordship in 
" no one part of his resolutions had alleged any testimony 
" out of any of them ; but only had used the authority of 
" his own bare words, naked talk, and sentences ; which in 
" so great and weighty a matter of conscience, he said, he 
" esteemed and weighed as nothing. And that if his lord- 
" ship should at any time hereafter (and especially at his 
" honour s request) be able to bring forth any better matter, 
" he, the said Feckenham, should be at the sight thereof, at 
*' all times, in readiness to receive the said oath, and to per- 
" form his promise before made in the writings. But that 
" if the bishop should be found (notwithstanding his ho- 
" nour's request) to have no better matter in store,he should, 
" for his duty sake towards the queen's majesty, considering 
" the degree and state her highness hath placed him in, ab- 
" stain from that plain speech which he might justly use, 
" (his lordship first beginning the complaint,) yet that not- 
" withstanding, his honour must give him leave to think, 
*' that his lordship had not all the divine scriptures, doctors, 



CHAP. " general councils, and all other kind of learning, so much 
'__ " at his commandment, as, he said, he had oftentimes heard 

Anno 1565." him boast, and speak of. 

" And thus much to write of his own secret thought, 
" either against him or yet any other, it was very much 
" contrary to the inclination of his nature. For he, as he 
" proceeded in his letter, being a poor man in trouble, was 
" now, like as at all other times, very loath to touch him, or 
*' any man else. But that whenever it should please his 
" honour by his wisdom to weigh the matter indifferently 
" betwixt them, he should be sure to have this short end 
" and conclusion thereof, that either upon his lordship's 
497 " pithier and more learned resolutions, his honour should 
" be well assured that he would receive the oath ; or else 
*' for lack of learned resolution, his honour should have 
" certain and sure knowledge, that the stay so long time on 
" his part in not receiving of the same oath, was of con- 
" science, and not of will stubbornly set ; but only of dread 
" and fear to commit perjury, thereby to procure and pur- 
" chase to himself God his wrath and indignation ; finally 
" to inherit perpetual death and torment of hell fire ; and 
" that remediless by a separation-making of himself from 
" God, and the unity of the catholic church : being alw ays 
" after unsure, how, or by what means he might be united 
" and knit thereunto again. That the upright and due con- 
" sideration of this his lamentable estate was all that he did 
" seek at his honour's hands, as knoweth our Lord God, &c. 
" From the Tower the 14th of this present March. 
" Subscribed, by your poor orator, 

" John Feckenham, priest." 

What proof And SO indeed Feckenham reported in his Declaration 

required of before mentioned, that he should join that issue with his 

the bishop, lordship ; that when he, the bishop, should be able, either 

by such order of government as our Saviour Christ left be- 

2, hind him in his gospel and New Testament ; either by the 

writing of such learned doctors, both old and new, which 

had from age to age witnessed the order, of ecclesiastical 

g government in Christ's church ; cither by the general coun- 


cils, wherein the right order of ecclesiastical government in CHAP. 

X r V 
Christ's church had been most faithfully declared, and '_ 

shewed from time to time ; or else by the common practice Anno i.o65. 

of the like ecclesiastical government, in some one church or 

part of all Christendom ; that when he should be able by 

any of those four means to make proof that any emperor, 

empress, king, or queen, might claim or take upon them 

any such government in spiritual and ecclesiastical causes ; 

then he should herein yield, &c. And in his letter above to 

the secretary, he tells him in effect that the bishop was not 

able to resolve him by any one of these proofs. 

But on the other hand, let us hear the bishop in his an- The bi- 
swer to Feckenham, who there asserts, that he had often ^^..^r to 
and many times proved the same that he required, and by Feckenham. 
the self-same means in such sort unto him, that he had 
nothing to say to the contrary. But not^vith standing, the 
bishop added, he would once again prove the same after his 
desire, as it were by putting him in remembrance of those Foi. 7. b. 
things, which by occasion in conference he had often before 
reported unto him. And then he proceeded at large upon 
all those four heads. The bishop withal reminded him, how 
he well knew, acknowledged, and confessed this supreme 
authority in causes ecclesiastical to be in king Henry VIII. 
and his heirs, when he surrendered his abbey of Evesham 
into his hands ; and so taught and preached during that 
king's reign. And that the same knowledge remained in 
him at the time of king Edward. 

While Feckenham was in the Tower, his charges were His charges 
borne by certain men, and sent him weekly by his servant, J[""!er' to *'^ 
that he might continue constant in his popish opinion and keep him 
doctrine. For when he perceived the oath of supremacy „ 
Avas not like to be tendered to him and the rest, then he sent 
copies of his book, devised for his answer touching the oath, 
abroad to his friends, to declare his constancy and readiness 
to refuse the oath. Whereby they might be the rather in- 
duced to continue the good opinion conceived of him ; and 
also pay his charges weekly in the Tower, sent vmto him 

N 4 


CHAP, every Saturday by his servant ; who wrote and dehvered the 
^J~_' copies abroad, as he told bishop Horn himself. 
Anno 1565. After he had been a winter with the bishop, and no com- 
Sent to pliance wroua-ht on him, and was returned to the Tower 

the Tower ^ . '^ . . . 

again. again, he perceived his friends had some mistrust of his re- 
volt, as he gave them just cause; and wavering in con- 
stancy, whereby his estimation and fame was decayed, he 
devised to set forth the self-same book again which he did 
before, and to the self-same ends ; altering and changing 
nothing at all, saving that he gave it a new name and title, 
and seemed as though he spake to the bishop ; when as in 
. very deed there was never any such word spoken or written 
by him. And in the book delivered to the bishop, his speech 
was directed to the commissioners. 

Feckenham But to look upon him still in the bishop's family, before 

too free in i m ■ -n i i •> i • 

his talk at he was sent to the i ower agam. r eckenham s obstmacy 
the bishop's j^gj.g gj.gyy ^t length to be so much, that through his dis- 
orderly behaviour the bishop was forced to restrain him of 
his licentious talk, and sequester him from conference with 
any, having so much before abused himself, and especially 
in the bishop's absence ; meaning by that stoutness to re- 
cover his credit, which his inconstancy had so impaired 
among his friends. For at first he seemed so well persuaded 
by the bishop's arguing with him, that there was a rumour 
spread abroad by the bishop's servants, that he had sub- 
scribed to certain articles, ten in number : and another ru- 
mour, that he would recant, and that the time and place 
were appointed, namely, the parish church of Waltham, 
where the bishop then abode. 
Feckenham There was one Mr. Denny sojourned with the bishop, 
faiiin<'^out^ when Feckenham did. Between them happened words, 
at table, partly by merry talk, and partly stirred up by some un- 
seemly language of Feckenham, in the bishop's absence: 
and he complained Mr. Denny had abused him. But one 
day Feckenham and Denny at table together were some- 
what hot upon one another, the bishop being present, when 
Feckenham called Denny epicure, for that he fasted not. 


The bishop, fearing that Mr. Denny, like a young man, CHAP. 
should give ill words again, willed him to say nothing, and ^ ' 

that he would answer the matter for him. The bishop's an- Anno i565. 
swer was, " That he marvelled why Feckenham should call '^^^ ,^^'" 
" him epicure. For," said he, " if ye so thought, because speech con- 
" he did eat flesh and never fish, he might as well fast with p"°ken- 
" flesh as with fish : but if it were, that he used not absti- ham's fasts. 
" nence, in that Mr. Denny did more than you. For where 
" you have every day in the week your three meals, Friday 
" and others, the gentleman was contented three days in the 
" week with one meal, and never did eat above two." Thus 
as they eat together, so with this gentleman he used to play 
at bowls, and walk in the park, and be merry together. And 499 
yet in Feckenham's declaration, he said that Mr. Denny was 
unknown to him. 

After the bishop had calmed the storm that seemed to Feckenham 
have been ready to arise between them two, he entered into "\th'the bi- 
talk with Feckenham in matters of religion, as he was wont shop fails 
to do daily before. The discourse was of venial and mortal 
sins. A cross that came from the Jesuits gave the occasion 
of this communication. The bishop proved, that no sin was 
so venial, as it could be remitted by any ceremony. And 
that there was no sin but of itself was mortal, yet venial, so 
as to be purged by the merits of Christ only : and that all 
sins, were they never so much mortal, were venial neverthe- 
less, except the sin against the Holy Ghost, that was irre- 
missible. For this his saying, and other points which he 
condemned, Feckenham fell into such a rage, that he not 
only railed against Jewel, bishop of Salisbury, saying, that Ami speaks 
he was utterly unlearned, and that he should never be able jl^/i^^^ ° 
to answer Mr. Harding's book ; but also called the bishop, J'^wei. 
almost in plain terms, heretic ; and said, his doctrine Avhich 
he preached, (though he would never hear it,) was erro- 
neous, filthy, and blasphemous. Whereupon the bishop, to 
stay him, said, these were unmannerly words to be spoken 
at his own table ; and therefore would as then say no more 
openly unto him there, but told him, that after dinner he 
would shew him more of his mind between them two. 


CHAP. -A-nd so after dinner he came up to him, and there called 
^^^' him into his gallery adjoining to his chamber. He put him 
Anno 1565. in remembrance of that which he had before oftentimes ad- 
Wherefore monished him of, viz. his outrageous talk in his absence 
restrains "sed at his table, whereof he had sundry times given him 
him to eat warning; for that the same miffht breed peril to himself, 

in his own , , , . 

chamber, blame to the bishop, and offence to others. And because 
he found still the continuance of that his misorder, therefore 
he willed him thenceforth to abstain from conferrina- with 
any man at all ; adding, that he should have to his chamber 
all things necessary, and what meat he should competently 
appoint for his own diet. Which he had accordingly. But 
though he did restrain him fi-om coming to his table, or to 
go much at large, as he had done, yet had he no other keeper 
than he had before, which was his own man. He had a 
gallery adjoining to his chamber, opening to the park ; his 
servant a chamber by himself near to his. He had leads 
fair and large, on which he might walk, and have prospect 
over the parks, gardens, and orchards. And thrice in the 
week at least, while the bishop lay at Waltham, with one, 
by the bishop appointed, he walked abroad in those parks 
and gardens. This bishop Horn wrote in his answer to 
Feckenham's Declaration, wherein he had called this restraint 
close imprisonment. 

Feckenham All this that hath been said of this man may make us 
der Hen. inquisitive to know what he formerly was : which we may 


VIII. and jg^i^g from the said bishop in his said book. He was, in 

Henry VIII's time, abbot or monk of Evesham monastery ; 
which, by common consent of him and the other monks 
under their convent seal, without compulsion, was sur- 
rendered into the king's hands ; and Feckenham, by that 
king's authority, reformed, forsook his vow, and many errors 
and superstitions of monkery, and became a secular priest 
500 3^"d chaplain to Dr. Bell, bishop of Worcester, if I mistake 
not, and after to bishop Bonner. And so during the life of 
king Henry did agnize, profess, and teach, openly in his 
sermons, the king's supremacy in causes ecclesiastical. And 
so he did in the time of king Edward. He laid, indeed, in 


the Tower in his time ; but it was not for any doubt he made CHAP, 
of the supremacy, (for that he still agnized,) but for other ^^^' 

points of religion touching the ministration of the sacra- Anno i&65. 
mcnts. Whereunto he also agreed at last, and promised to 
profess and preach the same in open auditory, wheresoever 
he should be appointed. Whereupon a right worshipful 
gentleman procured his deliverance forth of the Tower : and 
so he was set at liberty. Under queen Mary he was suc- 
cessively dean of St. Paul's, and abbot of the new-founded 
abbey of Westminster. 

The last news I hear of him (to take up his story here at Fecken- 
once) was, that he was a prisoner at Wisbich about the fj^gj^jj^ 
year 1580 : when he was examined before the bishop of Ely, anno i58o. 
the dean, and several of that bishop''s chaplains. And then 
shewed himself in a better temper than he appeared while 
he was with the bishop of Winton. For now he did con- 
fess : 

I. That he believed that the fourteenth chapter of the 
first epistle to the Corinthians was to be understood of the 
common service to be had in the mother-tongue, as well as 
of preaching or prophesying. 

II. That he found no fault with the book of common 
service used in this church. But he would have all the rest 
of the old service that had been taken out, to be restored ; as 
prayers to saints, and for the dead, and the seven sacra- 
ments, &c. And then he would most willingly come thereto ; 
and that he liked the sacrament ministered in both kinds, if 
it were done by authority of the church. 

III. That he very well allowed the interpretation of the 
oath for the queen's supremacy, as it was interpreted in the 
queen's Injunctions: and offered himself ready to take it 

IV. Being asked, why he would not come to the ser- 
vice in the church of England, when he thought in his con- 
science it was lawful to have it ? he answered, because he 
was not of our church, for lack of unity. The original 
paper containing these acknowledgments and concessions of 


CHAP. Feckenham, signed by his hand, and that of the bishop and 
1__ dean, I have by me ; and have set the true copy in the Ap- 

Aano i565.pendix, for the more satisfaction, 

^^" Complaint had been made at court against the diocese of 

A visitation T'lfii i/-i p i- 

ofthedi- -Liitcnhelcl and Coventry, for not observmg the church's 
L^chfifid ^^"^ orders ; for the dishke of the habits, and some other 
and Coven- rites, Seem to have spread abroad so far in the nation : 
'^^' whereat Bentham, the bishop, was reproved from above. 

And hereupon he appointed, in the beginning of this year, 
a visitation to be held by one Mr. Sale, [or Saul,] some dig- 
nitary of that church, commissionated his visitor. And for 
the better proceeding in this visitation, the bishop wrote, by 
his own hand, these brief instructions for him to observe. 
The bl- " Imprimis, Whereas I and my diocese are accused of 

stnfctions. " disorders, used of my clergy, these are to will you to 
Paper- « charge them all to behave themselves in their ministry 
" soberly and reverently, in all points of clerkly office, as 
501 " ^^^1 within the church as without ; upon pains which may 
" ensue for the transgressing the queen's Injunctions. 

" Item, To charge all and every the clergy to make pre- 
" sentments of those that had not communicated that Easter; 
*' and such as refused their own churches, parsons, vicars, 
" or curates ; and went to other parishes. And in what 
" parishes they were received. 

" To charge them to make presentments of all children 
" being full seven years of age, and not confirmed. 

" And to give charge in their parishes, that in Rogation- 
" week, none go about, but such as the queen's Injunctions 
" do allow ; that is, substantial men of the parish, with the 
" curate. 

" To learn, whether the register book be had and ob- 
" served for marriages, christenings, and burials. 

" All these, and such others as you shall see most meet, 
" for faithful and fruitful service of the ministers, as in 
" appointing taxes and such like order, I will you do not 
" omit. 

riie 28th of April, 1565. " T. C. L/' 


One Dominicus Lampsonius, a learned man of Bruges in CHAP. 
Flanders, and secretary to the bisliop and prince of Liege, ^^^• 

formerly scribe and servant to cardinal Pole in England, Anno 1 565. 
writes a letter this year to secretary Cecil; enclosing therein J^^^'J'^Pf''^'^'"'' 
a design of his for the composition of the present differences cretary, 
in religion. And to introduce this, he reminded the secre-^",^^* ^ 
tary, how dear he had been formerly both to him and his 
lady, as well as to many other learned and good men here in 
England, on the account of his learning ; and how he, the 
said secretary, had, upon the said cardinal's death, endea- 
voured to persuade him to stay in England, with promise 
of preferment ; and the like had many others done. And 
therefore, that he had not departed out of so pleasant a 
country, and from so many good friends, had his conscience 
permitted him to approve of that religion in all things that 
was then set up ; and which the secretary, he said, in a very 
accurate discourse, had moved him to embrace, as he him- 
self had done. Herewith he had sent him the heads of a 
tract which he was drawing up; whereby he might fully 
understand what the reasons were that deterred his con- 
science from embracing that religion which Cecil approved. 
And when it was finished, (which he hoped would be within 
two years,) he would with his own hand transcribe the whole 
for him, to present, if he pleased, to the queen. And for 
the present, he prayed him to give him his judgment of this 
short scheme of his designed work; which he should esteem 
a great favour. The scheme followeth : 

Scopus et finis instituti operis, &c. i. e. That the scope Acquaints 

,,,.,• 1 , • 1 • • him with 

and end of his undertakmg was to compose this grievous ^is designed 
discord and schism in the church. And to obtain this scope treatise, 
and end, his judgment was, that this was the only necessary 
and true way, if he could shew that the church could not 
err in things necessary to salvation, and to declare where 
that church is ; and that the same church might sometimes 
err in matters which are not of faith, and not necessary to 
salvation. And because the authority of the church de- 
pended, in his judgment, upon the authority of the scrip- 
tures, this seemed before all to be briefly established. And 502 


CHAP, then, after all, his drift was to establish the authority of the 
' church. And in fine, that the Roman church, and that 

Anno 1565. church which acknowledged the Roman bishop for the su- 
preme president of the church, that was the church to whose 
judgment we must submit in matters of faith. 


Prayers and thanlcsgivings for Malta, besieged by the 
Turks. Books from Louvain and Antwerp. Inquisition 
at Antwerp. Orders for apparel; and for fencing. Cor- 
respondence between Bullinger and bislwp Jewel. Caryl 
of the duchy dies. A pretended prophet. Massing in 
Yorkshire. The crucijix still in the queen's chapel. Mar- 
tiaVs Treatise of the Cross answered. Dean of West- 
minster''s care for the Savoy. 

JLiET us now take up some other matters happening within 
the compass of this year. 
Prayers ap- Malta, after a long and dangerous siege laid against it by 
be'said in' ^^ Turk, WES now delivered. Our church, while the infidels 
behalf of lay against this island, put up prayers to God in the behalf 
of it. And there was a form appointed to be used in common 
prayer every Wednesday and Friday within the city and 
diocese of London, for the deliverance of those Christians 
that were then and there invaded by the Turk, The pre- 
face to that form set forth, " That the isle of Malta, or 
" Melite, where St. Paul arrived when he was sent to Rome, 
** lay near unto Sicily and Italy, and was, as it were, the key 
" of that part of Christendom. And that it was invaded 
*' with a great army and navy of Turks, infidels, and sworn- 
" enemies of the Christian religion. And that it was not 
" only to the danger of those Christians that were besieged, 
" and daily assaulted in the holds and forts of the same 
" island, but also of all the rest of the countries of Christen- 
" dom adjoining. Therefore it was our part, which for dis- 
" tance of place cannot succour them with temporal relief, 


"to assist them with spiritual aid; that is to say, with cHAP. 
" earnest, hearty, and fervent prayer to God ; desiring him, ^^^^- 
" after the examples of Moses, Jehosaphat, Hezekiah, and Anno 1 565. 
" other godly men, in his great mercy to defend and deliver 
" Christians," &c. 

And when the Turk, not being able to take Malta, had Thanksgiv- 

... 1 ings for the 

broke up and gone, a form of thanksgivmg was also ap- deliverance 
pointed, for the delivery of the isle from this invasion and °f M^it^- 
long siege by the great army of the Turks both by sea and 
land, and for sundry other victories lately obtained by the 
Christians against the Turks ; to be used in the common 
prayer within the province of Canterbury, on Sundays, 
Wednesdays, and Fridays, for the space of six weeks ; set 
forth by the most reverend father in God Matthew, by 
God's providence, archbishop of Canterbviry. It consisted 
of an hymn, compiled of divers verses taken out of several 503 
psalms, and a collect, made probably by the archbishop, 
and was as followeth : 

" Oh heavenly and most merciful Father, the defender of The collect. 
" those that put their trust in thee, the sure fortress of all 
" them that fly to thee for succour: who of thy most just 
" judgments for our disobedience against thy holy word, 
" and for our sinful and wicked living, nothing answering 
" to our holy profession, (which hath been an occasion that 
" thy holy name hath been blasphemed among the heathen,) 
" hast of late most sharply corrected and scourged our 
" Christian brethren thy servants with terrible wars, and 
" dreadful invasions of most deadly and cruel enemies, 
" Turks and infidels: but now, of thy fatherly pity and 
" merciful goodness, without any desert of ours, even for 
" thine own name's sake, hast, by thy assistance, given to 
" divers Christian princes and potentates, at length, when 
" all our hope was almost past, dispersed and put to 
" confusion those infidels, being thine and our mortal ene- 
" mies, and graciously delivered thy afflicted and distressed 
" Christians in the isle of Malta, and sundry other places in 
" Christendom, to the glory and praise of thy name, and to 


CHAP. " the exceedinff comfort of all sorrowful Christian hearts. 

We render unto thee most humble and hearty thanks for 

Anno 1565. « thegg tj^y great mercies shewed to them that were thus 
" afflicted and in danger : we laud and praise thee ; most 
" humbly beseeching thee to grant unto all those that pro- 
" fess thy holy name, that we may shew ourselves, in our 
" living, thankful to thee for these and all other thy bene- 
" fits. Endue us, O Lord, and all other Christian people, 
" with thy heavenly grace, that we may truly know thee, 
" and obediently walk in thy holy commandments, lest we 
" again provoke thy just wrath against us. Continue thy 
" great mercies towards us ; and as in this, so in all other 
*' invasions of Turks and infidels, save and defend thy 
" holy church, that all posterities ensuing may continually 
" confess thy holy name, praising and magnifying thee, 
" with thine own son Jesus Christ, and the Holy Ghost: 
" to whom be all laud, praise, glory, and empire, for ever 
" and ever. Amen.'''' 
Seditious Now Were many of the English popish recusants become 
brou^t in fugitives abroad in Flanders, and particularly in Antwerp 
to be in- and Louvain, and in other places in the king of Spain's do- 
er. j-j-jjjjJQj^g Here they employed themselves in writing very 
dangerous and seditious books against the queen and her 
government: which, when they had printed, they caused 
to be conveyed over hither, and privily dispersed abroad ; 
which had perverted many of the ignorant people, and 
made them run into disorders. It was therefore thought 
time to look after this. And these writings being for the 
most part brought into the port of London, the queen writ 
January 24. her letters, dated in January, to the bishop of London, 
being chief pastor there, and also an ecclesiastical commis- 
sioner, to take special care hereof; and that all books that 
came into the custom-house should, by persons appointed 
by the bishop, be diligently opened and searched : and that 
she had sent to the lord treasurer, to suffer them to sit with 
the queen's customers and other officers for that purpose. 
504 And as any such should be found guilty in this regard, 


she enjoined the bishop to punish according to the laws CHAP, 
of the realm. The queen"'s letter I have put into the Ap- '_^ 

pendix. Anno l 565. 

Antwerp, before named, where formerly many professors jj_^jY 
of the gospel fled for shelter imder king Henry VIII. and The inqui- 
queen Mary, from the heat of persecution, and where some ^'*^°^*^^* "•* 
of the first editions of the English Bible was printed ; this 
place was now gained by the Spaniards, and became a har- 
bour for the English fugitive papists : here Harding was, 
and hence dated his braving printed letter to bishop Jewel; 
and here dwelt that imbittered, butcherly Dr. Story, that 
imbrued his hands as deep in blood under queen Mary as 
any, and still continued to do so under king Philip, whose 
officer he was. In this town, this year, (and one may guess, 
by their instigation in a great measure,) was the cruel in- 
quisition set up : it being the king's determinate will and 
pleasure to be observed in the duchy of Brabant without 
exception, or further difficulty to be made by any of the 
lords, prelates, nobles, or estates whatsoever, as his letter 

But notwithstanding this lofty command, the common- The town 
alty and burgesses, being a free people, set up a notable P^"*^** . 
supplication in January against this inquisition, directed to 
the burghmasters and council of the town. Therein they 
set forth the promises the emperor Charles V. and the pre- 
sent king had made ; the former in Augsburgh, and the 
latter in the town of Antwerp, in the year 1549, and more 
lately in Spain, made to the said town; that he would never 
charge the Low Countries, and namely Antwerp, with the 
inquisition, under any pretext or colour whatsoever. Yet, 
notwithstanding that, he had sent letters to the duchess of 
Parma, upon pretext of the council of Trent, to cause the 
inquisition to be observed, and that within eight days she 
would publish the same. They shewed what piteous deso- 
lations the same might bring to the Low Countries, that it 
was the proper and only foundation of the overthrow of 
those countries, and especially of Antwerp. And consider- 
ing all this, they protested openly before God and the said 

VOL.!. PART II. - o 


CHAP, magistrates, and before all the world, that the publishing 
^^^^' this inquisition was made against all reason and equity, and 

Anno 1565. against the privileges of the countries of Brabant, and the 
promises expressly made to that town. And that if there 
should be any resistances made against the said publication 
of the inquisition, they affirmed that the resistances might 
not be holden for any commotion, or disobedience, or sedi- 
tion. But the rest I leave to be read, by such as please, in 

Number the Appendix ; being the very translated copy once belong- 
ing to secretary Cecil, to which his own hand is indorsed. 
Yet I cannot but add, that in this writing they enjoin the 
magistrate to cause this determinate will and pleasure of 
their sovereign lord the king, as they style him, to be noti- 
fied to the justice of the chamber of the holy Roman em- 
pire, and to adjourn his majesty before the same justice, by 
virtue of the golden bull granted to the country of Brabant 
in the year 1349, and successively by the emperors. But to 
draw nearer home. 

Excess in As the queen, the last year and this, took care for the 

apparel re- j^^^jitg Qf ^}^g clerffv, SO she did now for that of her other 

strained. _ =?•' ' 

lay-subjects : who in respect of their clothes and garments 
which they wore, began now to run into that excess of cost- 
505liness beyond their quality, that there was no difference 
scarce to be seen between a nobleman and a gentleman, and 
a gentleman and an inferior person. And the queen was 
exact for keeping up order among her people. And this ex- 
tremity in apparel, as it tended to the confusion of the de- 
grees of all estates, wherein always diversity of apparel took 
place, so it did to the subversion of all good order, and was 
contrary to divers laws and statutes of the realm. Where- 
upon the queen issued out a notable proclamation, Feb. 13: 
wherein, for some reformation herein, certain clauses were 
taken out of the statute made the 24th Henry VIII. di- 
recting what apparel should be worn according to each 
man's quality and condition ; and other clauses taken out of 
another statute of that nature, made in the first and second 
of Philip and Mary. To which the queen added, in her 
present proclamation, certain orders to be observed in cer- 


tain kinds of apparel, and other things thereunto belonging: CHAP. 
also orders concerning fencing-schools, and for the length of '_ 

swords and dacrjrers. To this proclamation were subscribed Anno i565. 

the hands of many of the chief lords and others of the ^^^^1"^*" 

queen's privy council, promising thereby, for good example schools. 

sake, to see to the observing the same in their households. 

I have the original of this proclamation in vellum, with the 

said subscriptions, which shall be found in the Appendix. Number 

A good correspondence was maintained between the" 
churchmen of Zurich and our bishops ; many of whom had 
been there cherished and preserved from danger under the 
hard times of queen Mary, and bishop Jewel among the 
rest. A token whereof happened this year, when Bullinger Buiiinger 
sent his learned comment upon Daniel to Jewel, and La- genj'^the'ir^'^ 
vater, at the same time to the same person, his upon Joshua, books to bi- 

. , , T 1 1 shop Jewel. 

And at the next return. Jewel sent twenty crowns to them „. 

' _ •' _ His present 

in token of gratitude and good-will, to be laid out upon a to them. 
common supper, or to be otherwise disposed as they thought 
fit : and twenty crowns more he sent, being an annual pen- 
sion to Julius, who was his dear friend Peter Martyr's con- 
stant servant and assistant. 

On the tenth of March deceased Mr. Caryl, attorney of Caryi, at- 
the duchy; a man famous for his abilities in the law, but a the duchy, 
papist: of whom thus did John Hales write to the secretary, i^'**- 
** A man whose life, for his learning, if his religion had been 
*' agreeing, were to be redeemed with thousands." Indeed, 
about this time, the lawyers in most eminent places were 
generally favourers of popery. Hales, before mentioned, 
stepped in, while Caryl lay upon his death-bed, labouring 
with the secretary to prefer in his room George Bromley, of Suit for 
the Temple, a good lawyer, and as good a protestant: of succeed. 
whom he gave this character ; " That for his religion and MSS. penes 
*' knowledge of the law of God, he ought to be preferred '"^" 
*' above many. That he was no greedy man, that for lucre 
*' sake busied himself in every matter; but where in an 
" honest cause he might do good, there did he not refuse 
" freely to travel and take pains. Wherefore, said he, of 
" right and conscience such men were to be remembered, 



CHAP. " and by all means to be furthered : and he knew the se- 

" cretary loved such men, and was desirous to further 

Anno 1565." them. Adding, that he should hereby win the hearts of 
500 " a great many protestants, who, now discouraged, would 
" take some hope, if they might hear a protestant lawyer 
" bore some authority in Westminster-hall." 
A pretended About this year died one Ellys, (calling himself Elias,) 
pi^op ^*- who, in the year 1562, came up from Manchester to Lon- 
don as a prophet ; but all the reception he had was, that he 
was committed to Bridewell, where he ended his life. His 
daughter married one London, a papist, who proved as 
very a courtesan as ever was Lais. This I take out of the 
recorder of London''s letter to sir William Cecil, who used 
to give weekly the intelligence of the city to the said per- 
Goes to the In June 1562 this Ellys went to the queen at Green- 
bishop of wich, as though he had some message from God to her. 
London. Pilkington, bishop of Durham, did then preach, and de- 
clared concerning him and his living : whereof perhaps he 
had particular intelligence, Lancashire, from whence the 
impostor came, being near his diocese. Three days after, 
this pretended prophet came to the bishop of London''s pa- 
lace, as though he had likewise some warning and instruc- 
tion from heaven to deliver to him. But notwithstanding, 
June the 26th, he was set on the pillory in Cheapside, with 
a gown of gray skins ; perhaps in mockery to him, calling 
himself Elias, and going in camePs hair, in imitation of that 
Massing In September and October this year was daily massing 

fnYork-'"'^" Certain places in Yorkshire, in order to some dangerous 
shire. disturbance in those parts, wherein one sir Charles Danby, 

knight, among others, was concerned. He had one Thomas 
Lewsham, his servant, on whom he had settled 20*. annuity 
during his life, for services no doubt to be done by him 
upon occasion. But he, pretending his conscience, utterly 
misliking the same ungodly practices, had left his said mas- 
ter, and retired to Grimsby in Lincolnshire : where he had 
told to his secret friends, not only concerning saying the 


mass in several houses in the said county of York, which he CHAP, 
could go to, but that there were conspiracies entered into 

against the person of the archbishop of York, lord president Anno i565. 
of the council in the north, and a rebellion near at hand, 
unless speedily prevented. This coming to the ears of 
Mounson, a gentleman of Lincoln, by a letter of the 6th of 
October, he informed the said archbishop of it, advising 
him, that if the said Lewsham were soon taken up, upon 
his examination he might disclose further matters than yet 
he had uttered, being no blab of his tongue, nor light of 
talk. Accordingly, the archbishop sent his letters to sir 
Richard Thimbleby, knt. and Tristram Tyrwhit, esq. jus- 
tices of the peace near adjoining to the place where he was, 
to apprehend him, to be sent to York ; and to the earl of 
Shrewsbury he also writ, desiring him to send sir Thomas 
Gargrave to York with speed, being one of that council, to 
the intent that they might prevent such matters, if there 
were, or if there were any such intended. 

About this time, the queen sent her letters to the earl of Order to 
Shrewsbury, for the levying of men in those north parts ^l^yj^^^'j^' 
where he was lord lieutenant, to defend her kingdom from against 
the Scots, between whose queen and queen Elizabeth there Earl of 
was now no good understanding : yet she meant to keep siirews- 
peace with Scotland, and not to make war, unless she were ters, in of- 
provoked by invasion ; and to that all her counsellors in- ^' ^^^°'^' 
clined. And secretary Cecil, one as wise as any, in a letter * 
to the said earl, accompanying the queen"'s, wrote, that for 
his part, he thought it no certainty to enter into war without 
just cause. But this went no further; only the queen's 
practice was to be in a posture of defence. 

December the 1st, the duke of Norfolk, the favourite Duke of 
now both of the court and people, departed from London ^''"■*°^1^ 

i . . . goes into 

towards his country, to keep hospitality there, it seems, now his country. 
Christmas was drawing on : being accompanied out of the 
city by the earls of Leicester and Warwick, the lord cham- 
berlain, and other noblemen and gentlemen of thq court; 
Avho brought him onward of his journey, doing him all the 
honour they could. 



CHAP. There was spread now a report, and that even in the 
, court, that the queen would marry out of hand ; and the 

Anno 1565. honourable person she would match herself with was Charles, 
tiiTqueen's l^^other to the emperor Maximilian. And this was the more 
speedy mar- probable, upou the displeasure she had taken with the Scotch 

queen\s marrying with the lord Darnley, that she might 

weaken her hopes of enjoying the kingdom of England. 

But this came to nothing. 
Man to be One Mr. Man, of Oxford, was now to go from the queen 
Philip. ' into Spain, to king Philip; and in that respect she promoted 

him to the deanery of Gloucester. 

The mark- The markgrave of Baden in November departed from 

Baden's heuce to Germany, but left behind him in the court the 

wife at lady Cicilie his wife : with whose company and conversation 
pourt. . . 

the queen was so much delighted, as she did not only allow 

her very honourably three messes of meat twice a day for 
her maids and the rest of her family, but also gave a yearly 
pension of 2000 crowns to the markgrave himself, so long 
as he should suffer the lady his wife to reside here in Eng- 
land, being big with child. 
Henchmen The queen about this time dissolved the ancient office of 
henchmen ; whereat some did much marvel. 


She keeps After a purpose of removing to Greenwich, and that 

changed into another purpose to remove to Windsor, to 

Westmin- keep her Christmas there, the queen resolved, lastly, to 

her Christ- 
mas at 


tarry at Westminster, and there to keep it. 

The queen The queen still to this year kept the crucifix in her cha- 
^"^u^ fix "still P^^' ^^ appears by a letter written to secretary Cecil by a 
in chapel, zealous gentleman, earnestly persuading him to use his in- 
terest with her majesty to have it removed, as tending too 
much to idolatry. The writer was Richard Tracy, son (I 
suppose) of William Tracy, of Todington in Gloucester- 
shire, esq. remarkable for the popish severity used towards 
his dead coi'pse : which was digged up out of its grave, anno 
1532, and burnt to ashes, by order of Tho. Parker, chan- 
cellor of Worcester ; when, being already dead and buried, 
he was judicially tried and proceeded against in the convo- 
cation, and declared an heretic, because of some passages 


in his last will and testament, wherein he shewed little re- CHAP, 
gard of having his soul prayed for after his decease ; and 

therefore left nothing to any priest to do that office for him. Anno i565. 
But the said Parker, out of his popish zeal, going beyond 
his order in burning the body, when the sentence went no 
further than the digging it out of the grave, and removing 508 
it from Christian burial, the relations took their opportunity 
afterwards, when things looked more favourably upon reli- 
gion, and got him fined in a great sum. 

I will set down this letter of the pious son of this pious 
gentleman, as I found it in the Paper-house, dated April 
the ITth. 

" Pleaseth your honour to be advertised, that forasmuch Tracy's let- 
*' as God"'s word, the holy scriptures, threateneth to root se^retai-y 
" out all images, and saith that he abhorreth them, and thereupon. 
" commandeth his people to destroy all pictures, and to office. 
" break asunder all the images of the people of Canaan, 
" and exhorteth us to beware of the marring of ourselves, 
" and of the destruction of our souls ; and curseth the 
*' images, and the man that maketh them, threatening them 
" to be confounded and to perish ; and, in conclusion, pro- 
" nounceth all them accursed that willingly transgress his 
" commandments : all which terrible threatenings and hor- 
*' rible curses be easily escaped and avoided, if the queen"'s 
" majesty will destroy her images. Considering that God, 
" of the other part, commandeth not any magistrate to 
" have graven or molten image; ne commandeth any graven 
" image or molten image to be set up upon any altar, which 
" is the highest place of honour in our religion ; ne to light 
" any tapers to them ; namely, because God calleth them 
" but deceit, which can do no good, and be vain, and pro- 
" fitable for nothing : I am therefore so bold to put your 
" honour in remembrance, that these holy scriptures threaten 
" the images, and the image-makers, over and besides them 
" that either honour, worship, or serve them : whereby all 
" men may know certainly, that God favoureth not any 
" image, or the use of them in us, whose hearts be prone to 

o 4 


CHAP. " evil, and very evil al way. For the avoiding whereof, your 
" honour shall do God good service, and preserve the 

Anno 1565. " queen''s highness from great peril of God"'s wrath and 
" displeasure through the use of them. In haste, by your 
" daily orator, 

" Rich. Tracy." 

But I find the queen's chapel stood in statu quo seven 

years after. For thus rudely and seditiously did the Ad- 

mohition to the parliament charge her chapel, viz. as the 

p. 206. pattern and precedent to the people of all superstitioti. To 

which bold expression Dr. Whitgift gave to the admonitors 

this short answer, that that slanderous speech was rather 

to be severely punished, than with words to be confuted. 

An answer John Martial, bachelor of law, sometime usher of Win- 

T *'t^' f Chester school, and now a student in divinity at Louvain, 

the Cross had published a Treatise of the Cross ; and had the confi- 

forth. dence to dedicate his book to queen Elizabeth, emboldened 

upon her aforesaid retaining the image of the cross in her 

chapel, terming it, her good affection to it. But this year, 

1565, a learned answer came forth against that treatise, by 

scriptui'e, fathers, and councils ; written by James Calfhil, 

B. D. of Christ's-church, Oxon, as I conjecture, though his 

name be not to it. Here, in his epistle prefatory to the said 

509 Martial, he thus excuseth the queen ; " That as for her pri- 

" vate doings, neither were they to be drawn as a precedent 

" for all, nor ought any to creep into the prince's bosom 

*' on every fact to judge on affection. And that this the 

*' world could well witness with him, that both her grace 

*' and wisdom had not such affiance in the cross as he did 

" fondly teach, nor held it expedient her subjects should 

*' have that which she herself (she thought) might keep 

" without offence. For that the multitude was easily, 

" through ignorance, abused; but her majesty was too well 

*' instructed for her own person, to fall into popish error 

*' and idolatry."" 

Martial had said, in severe reflection upon the present 
government, that crosses had been despitefully every where 


thrown down in highways: whereas the answerer said, that CHAP. 
1 Ml J • 1 1 XLVI. 

they were still seen to stand in many places, nor were people 

offended at all therewith; but that good order had been Anno 1 565. 
taken by public authority, not private suggestions, (as he 
had implied,) that roods and images should be removed, 
according to God's law, out of churches, chapels, and ora- 
tories. Martial further said, (and that by pretended au- 
thority of the fathers,) "That ever since Christ's death, 
" Christian men have had the sign of the cross in churches, 
" chapels, oratories, private houses, highways, and other 
" places meet for the same." The answerer, on the other 
hand, declared, that it should be made evident, that by 
the fathers' own writing, such as none should gainsay, that 
four hundred years after Christ, there was not, in the place 
of God's service, any such sign erected. And he backed his 
assertion by Erasmus ; who writes, Usque ad cetatem Hie- in Gate- 
ronrjmi; &c. i. e. Unto Hierom's time there were men of ^^^p'g"*' 
good religion, that suffered no image in the temples, either 
painted, or graven, or woven ; no, not of Christ himself, 
because of the anthropomorphite heretics, as he supposed. 

I have one note to insert before I take my leave of this Exchange of 
year, concerning one of the chief divines in these times, viz. jands!^*'^ 
Dr. Gabriel Goodman, dean of Westminster, shewing his 
conscientious care in a matter of religious charity, wherein 
by his place he was concerned. An exchange was now in 
liand, of some lands belonging to the hospital of the Savoy, 
London, with other lands belonging to Mr. Fanshaw, re- 
membrancer of the treasury: the dean, who was visitor 
there, fearing some good bargain for that gentleman, but 
some ill one for the hospital, (as in those exchanges, com- 
mon in those times, it usually happened,) wrote an earnest 
letter to the secretary, that no wrong might be done to so 
charitable a foundation ; which ran to this tenor : 

" That albeit, as some supposed, he was not visitor of the The dean 
*' Savoy, yet in conscience he thought himself as much niinst^r's 
" boimd to that poor hospital as if he were, considering the '•^"er a- 

/> 1 1 1 f 1 -ix'i /> 1 ^out it. 

*' good meaning of that most noble rounder. \V hereiore he mss. 

« desired him, for God's sake, that in the bargain of ex- ^"'^k'"'^'^"- 


CHAP. *' chana^e of lands that was towards, between the master of 
" the Savoy and his brethren, and Mr. Fanshaw, nothing 

Anno 1565. « might pass to the prejudice of the poor hospital. That he 
" had sent his letters of certificate touching the value of the 
" lands by information, according to a message done to him 
" from him [the secretary] by the master of the Savoy, and 
510" had included the particular of lands in his said letter, to 
" be considered of by him according to his wisdom. And 
" so prayed God to continue and increase his grace and 
" blessing in him and his, to serve him always. 
" From Westminster, the 23d of February 1565." 


Various occurrences, and matters of state, in the court of 
England this summer: set down by way of journal. 
Scotch matters. Transactions about the queen's mar- 
riage. Irish matters. A convocation prorogued. 

Consuita- -L'lVERSE consultations were held in May, by the council 
ihTsc^o'tch* °^ England, against the queen of Scots' marriage, before 
marriage, the queen of England's marriage ; and of the dangers a re- 
spect hereof would have, where there is first issue ; and so 
security by succession. 
Murray The earl of Murray had departed lately from the Scotch 

ScoUand.*' court, upon conceit of that queen's love to the lord Darn- 
ley, having denied to sign his consent unto the marriage ; 
whereupon she detested him and the earl of Lenox, the said 
lord Darnley's father, as aspiring to the crown. And Mur- 
ray being in England, upon the borders, dreaded to go 
home ; saying, that he was in fear to be murdered : and 
that he was always the head of queen Elizabeth's faction 
there, and opposed the marriage of Darnley. Wherefore he 
is relieved by the said queen. 
An inter- In May or Jvme the two queens had an interview. They 
^l^.^gpj either satisfied themselves with their interview, or rather 
filled the desires of their trains. There were sundry ex- 


pectations of the fruit thereof; and, as was most com- CHAP. 
monly used in princes' causes, no small things projected. ^^^^^- 

Queen Elizabeth was now it seems in her progress in the Anno i565. 

In June, the lord Lydington came hither, to obtain theLydington 
queen's majesty's consent for the Scotch queen's marrying ^ijg s^^tch 
with the lord Darnley, having been so long trained in vain queen, 
expectations by her : but he found great offence. And sir 
Nicolas Throgmorton was sent to declare the miscontent- 
ment of her majesty, and to use means to break the match. 
He returned well rewarded, but could not dissolve it, al- 
though he said it was misliked of all the subjects of the 
realm. And she herself confessed, that if it were then to be 
done, she would be otherwise advised. But that she was 
determined, and prayed her majesty to comport with her, 
until she would send one of hers hither, (which should be 
Mr. Hayes,) to declare to the queen some reasons on her 

Upon this, the lady countess of Lenox, here in England, Queen Ell- 
as she was in some custody already, was to be committed t.o^^^^'^^^ '*" 
some further custody ; and the lords, her husband the earl, with her. 
and her son the lord Darnley, were to forfeit whatsoever 
they had here. And because it was likely their foundation 511 
in England was upon papists, the protestants here were to 
receive more comfort, and the papists more disgrace. 

In this same month of June, the emperor's ambassador The arch- 
was not idle in his matter ; but pressed for the archduke jj^g queen.^ 
(Charles, brother to the emperor) discreetly and diligently. 
One great obstacle was, that the queen's majesty would 
needs see his person before she would marry. And how 
that device could be performed, if she assented either to the 
French king, who also was a suitor, or to the archduke, And the 

would prove hard. French 

She remembered the ambassador of her promise, to re- 
main free until she had well answered the French king. 
So her majesty considered it meet for her honour to do. 
Which caused the emperor's ambassador to be without re- 
solution : yet he found so general a liking among the great 


CHAP, lords here, that he was in great hopes to speed. What shall 

'_ follow, said the secretary, God knoweth. 

Anno 1665. The earl of Leicester furthered the queen with all good 
reason to take one of these great princes. Wherein surely 
perceiving his own cause not sperable, [of marrying the 
queen himself,] he did honourably and wisely ; as the secre- 
tary Avrote to his correspondent: adding, that he saw no 
nobleman devoted to France. 

Sidney, This month sir Henry Sidney was appointed deputy of 

lord deputy -^ '' ^^ ^ ■^ 

of Ireland. Ireland. Shan O Neyle overthrew James Mac O Neyle, and 
Shan took him and his brother prisoners. Wherein, a number of 

O Neyle. ^ . .... 

English soldiers being with him, Shan O Neyle did only 
gain the victory. Concerning which it was judged by the 
English court, that if the queen might have the possession 
of these prisoners, it should be profitable, otherwise Shanes 
victory would be dangerous for Ireland. 
Treaty at This month also the English commissioners at Bruo-es 



about trade, were like to agree upon all things, saving the matter of 
poundage, and the new subsidy for cloths. For the poun- 
dage, the duchess of Parma would send hither persons, to 
see our records here in the chequer. To the subsidy, the 
English court could not yield. And if it should, it would 
be with some moderation only for strangers : whose cus- 
tom was 13*. and GcZ. upon a cloth ; which before was but 

Pirates, Complaint in Flanders of an infinite number of pirates. 

And the treaty provided cautions ; yet the demands were so 
great, as we must needs remedy. The complaints of jus- 
tice to be done upon the persons. 

SirNicoias Great means made for sir Nicolas Throgmorton to be of 

Throgmor- ... 

ton. the privy council. 

Queen of June 12, great talk in court of the rash intentions of 
fia^e^d^-"^" the quecu of Scots"* marriage. The English had no cause to 
liked. like it, principally for two respects ; viz. for hurt of reli- 

gion ; and for fortifying the queen of Scots' title to this 
crown. But the secretary in a letter upon this added, that 
he trusted the queen's majesty would proceed here in such 
st)rt, as both these mischiefs would be daunted. 


The earl of Murray is succoured by the earl of Bedford, chap. 
as it were without the queen's privity, to avoid suspicion ^^^^^' 
and blame of the Scotch queen. And the factious lords of Anno i56'5. 
Scotland desire no succour of men, but money this year ^/ "'''■''>'.'*"•' 

•I •/ tlie factious 

from the queen of England. lords. 

July 19, the Scotch queen is fain to assemble at Eden- 51 2 
burgh forces, to secure herself in the solemnization of her Forces 

'='_ _ raised by 

marriage the 20th of July, against Murray, who had ga- the queen 
thered head at Sterling : whom in her letter [to queen Eli- °^^|^°J'jj^^ 
zabeth] she calleth, her ancient enemy. marriage. 

July 20, Randolph, by order from the queen, declared. The queea 
that it was her majesty"'s pleasure, to have the lord Darnley tj,e jq^j 
return into England. Whereunto he answered, that he did i>arniey. 
acknowledge no other obedience but to the queen there. 
And said further, " That since the queen your mistress is His answer 
" so envious of my fortune, as to oppose it by all her in- bassador. 
" struments here, I nothing doubt, but time may come, she 
*' may have need of me. And therefore return this answer 
" to her, that I mind not to return : for 1 find myself very 
" well here." 

Upon this marriage, was this memorial sent (as it seems A memorial 
from the lord Murray) to the earl of Leicester, and Mr. Se-£„o.ii3jj 
cretary, to conmumicate the matters contained in the same '^""'■t "po" 

, -' , . tlie Scotch 

to tiie queen s majesty. 

^r nimpstv. nrifi all vnii rtf lipr roiin- 

Julius, F. 6. 

Imprimis^ That her majesty, and all you of her covm- ^o***"^ '''*''• 

" cil, do make it appear evidently to all folks, that the pro- 
" ceedings of the queen of Scotland with the lord Darnley 
*' are so grievously taken and misliked, that her majesty 
" must needs chasten the arrogance of her subjects, and re- 
" venge the indignities offered by tliat queen. And for the 
" better insinuation hereof, to use all the good means you 
" can devise, as well by publishing the sending down of 
" my lord of Bedford to his charge, with some supply of 
" new forces ; as also, admonishment to be given by you to 
" the wardens of all the marches, to stand upon their 
*' guards, and to be in readiness to serve in good order, 
" when they shall be commanded : with further charge, to 


CHAP. " shew no more favour to this nation, than the forbearing 
" the breach of peace will suffer. 

Anno 1565. " Item, To stay the earl of Northumberland above at 
" London ; and to send down sir Richard Cholmely to 
" York, to the council there, to receive ordinary process, 
" for his disorders there depending. Which, as I hear say, 
" will procure him ordinary imprisonment there : and also, 
" to command the lord president and council at York, to 
" have a good eye to the doings of the earl of North umber- 
" land, and the lady Lenox"'s faction. And further, b}' no 
" means to suffer the papists in the realm, neither in court 
" nor out of court, to have any cause to think themselves 
*' in any credit. 

" Item, To have some greater restraint put upon the 
" lady Lenox, and some harder sequestration than she now 
" hath : so as she may have conference with none, but such 
*' as are appointed unto her. And specially, that there be 
" no means left unto her to have intelligence with the 
** French ambassador : but chiefly none with the Spanish : 
" for there the matter importeth most, as I do certainly 
" know. 

" Item, That my lady [duchess] of Somerset do find 
" some more gracious entertainment in the court than here- 
" tofore she hath done." 
'I'he arch- The emperor"'s ambassador affirmed, that archduke 
come. Charles would come. And if he were to be liked, said the 
513 secretary, then, &c. [meaning it, in all probability, of the 
queen's marriage.] But for the French marriage, the nobi- 
lity could not like of it. 

Occurrences of court in the month of August were these 
that follow : 
Embassy Mr. Tomworth was sent to the queen of Scots upon this 

Sco\ch occasion. The said queen had sent twice hither, to require 
queen. queen Elizabeth to declare for what causes she did mislike 
of this marriage with the lord Darnley ; offering also to sa- 
tisfy the same. In the mean time, troubles arose there be- 
tween her and the earl of Murray, and others, who were 


friendly to the common amity of both the realms. Where- CHAP. 

• • XT VII 

unto, for sundry respects, it seemed convenient for the ;_ 

English court to have regard. Tomworth expostulated Auno 1 565. 
with the queen about her marriage consummated with Darn- 
ley ; and concerning the offence she had taken against Mur- 
ray. To which she answered, that for the marriage, the 
queen her sister delayed her, and her subjects importuned 
her. And as for Murray, she desired the queen to meddle 
no further in the private causes of Scotland, than she did 
with England. That she well knew his ends, and, as well 
as she might, she would prevent them. 

The duke Chastelherault, the earls of Argyle, Murray, Dissension 
and Rothess, with sundry barons, were joined together, not j'!^'^" '^^'^ 
to allow of the marriage, otherwise than to have the reli- nobles. 
gion established by law. But that queen refused ; yet in this 
gentle sort ; that she would not suffer it to have the force 
of law, but of permission to every man to live according to 
his conscience. And herewith she had retained a great num- 
ber of protestants from associating openly with the others. 
She sent for the earl Murray; but the distrust was so 
far entered on both sides, that it was the thoughts of wise 
men it would fall to an ill end : for she put the said earl to 
the horn, and prohibited all persons to aid him : neverthe- 
less the said duke, the earls of Argyle and Rothess were to- 
gether with him. 

The earl of Leicester now fell into some misliking with Leicester 
queen Elizabeth : and he was therewith much dismayed, ^^^" °"^ 
[The cause seemed to be, for not liking the queen"'s marry- 
ing with the archduke.] 

The emperor''s ambassador departed with an honourable Expecta- 
answer; and himself well satisfied. And common opinion*'"? °*!*^® 

A^ archduke s 

was, that the archduke Charles would come. Which if he matciiing 

did, and would accord with us in religion, and should beque^n '^ 

allowable for his person to her majesty ; " then," said the 

secretary, " except God shall please to continue his dis- 

*' pleasure against us, we shall see some success." 

^, 1 .1 , 1 , Thecpeen's 

Ihe answer the queen gave to the emperors ambassador answer to 

was, that she would marry with none, without sight of ^''^ •='npe- 

•z ^ o ror s am- 



CHAP, his person; nor with any that should dissent in religion. 
XLVII. Pqj. ^Yie rest of the articles, they were referred to the 
Anno 1565. treaty between king Philip and queen Mary. The secretary 
thought the archduke would come : but he thought withal, 
that of his religion nobody should know but her majesty ; 
nor she, until he saw hope of speeding. The whole nobility 
favoured this much : and the lord of Leicester behaved him- 
self very wisely, now to allow of it. 
514 Now also an " unhappy chance and monstrous" (as he that 
Sergeant- -^j-jj. ^j^g news expressed it) fell out at court. The sereeant- 

porter mar- ^ ^ ■' _ " _ 

ries the porter, being the biggest gentleman in the court, married 
Grey!^^*'^ secretly the lady Mary Grey, the least of all the court. 

They were committed to several prisons. The offence was 

very great. 

The next month, viz. September, produced the following 

affairs and counsels. 
The Scotch The queen of Scots now had much less number of hearts 
?oseth than subjects. The young king was so insolent, as his fa- 
hearts, ther grew weary of his government, and departed from the 

insolent. COUrt. 

The lords The disaffected lords came this month with 1500 men be- 
Edinburgh. ^*^^'^ Edinburgh, but could not stay, by reason of the bat- 
tery of the castle. The queen sent order Sept. 12. to the 
earl of Bedford, to send three hundred soldiers to Carlisle, 
to aid the lords against that queen. 
What sir Sir Thomas Smith, if he should be required by the 

Smith French king, what the reasons were of this discontent be- 
shouid tell tween that queen and her subiects, was ordered to give this 

the French ^ i i i , • i • 

king con- answer ; that as he heard, the reasons were m this sort ; 
cerning dis- j^j^g^j. ^^^^ chief disliking with her nobility was, because thev 

contents m ... . . 

Scotland, had moved her to forbear the innovations which certain pri- 
David. N. vate men about her, being not of that country birth, neither 
two itah- prench nor English, did daily devise, and put in execution. 
They, her nobles, would have had the marriage made with 
the consent of the three estates. They would have had it 
accorded by her upon her marriage, that nothing should be 
innovated against the laws of the land : where contrarily 
great numbers of things had been done, to the manifest vi- 



olation of the laws, ordered for observation of religion, for CHAP. 

sustentation of the ministers, for relief of the poor. Se- '_ 

condly, her husband had been proclaimed king, without ^""o 1 565. 
consultation used with the nobility : the title of the succes- 
sion established in the house of the duke, was brought in 
question. Yea, the lands of the duke and divers others, in 
ojjen speech disposed and given away. Divers conspiracies 
to have murdered the earl of Murray and others, that did 
with him only move the queen before the marriage, to stay 
from any open proceeding therein, until the French king 
and the queen''s majesty here had been made privy thereto : 
so as it might have been done with the allowance of such 
princes ; and so the better allowed and accepted of her own 
people : promising at that time to employ his whole power 
to further it, to her contentation and honour. But upon 
the giving of that counsel, the young man and his faction 
began to lay the foundation of such rancour, as they did 
openly denounce mortal hatred to the said carl and others. 
Whereupon had followed the rest of those inward troubles : 
so as now there were joined together, only in defence of 
themselves and the laws of the land, the duke, the earls of 
Argyle, Murray, Rothess, Glincarn, and (as it was newly 
reported) Morton the chancellor ; and of late also, the 
master Maxwel ; who had conducted the lords to Dum- 
freeze, where there were sundry barons of the realm. 

That queen had from the 25th of August to the 4th of The Scots 
September preserved them [who created these innovations] ar,„y, 
with an army of four or five thousand men. Whereof in the 515 
end she had discovered, that one half of the leaders meant 
to have been beholders, and not fighters. And thereupon 
she had dissolved her army ; and Avas gone with certain 
harquebussiers to St. Andrew's and Dundee, to pursue cer- 
tain burgesses, favourers of the lords ; and by likelihood to 
gather by that means some money. And, so as it seemed, 
to draw out time, and weary them. In this state things did 
rest the 9th of this month. 

. The first of this month, the lords of the council were sent Consulta- 
tion about 
VOL. I. I'AUT II. P Scotland. 


CHAP, for by the queen, to give advice in these great matters, that 
^^^"- mialit fall out from Scotland. 

Anno 1565. 

Cecilia his 
wife come 

about as- 

The 7th of this month arrived here the lady Cecilia, sister 

Marquis of ^q ^|^g j^jj^™ ^f Sweden, with her husband Christopher, mar- 
Baden and . ^ ' 1 1 1 • 1 

quis of Baden : and were honourably conducted hither ; 

and lodged at the earl of Bedford's house. And she being 
near delivery, the queen came to her from Windsor : and 
as it were well foreseen, the 16th day in the morning well 
and seasonably delivered of a son. Her coming was esteemed 
very strange ; having hitherto no appearance, but a super- 
natural affection to see the qvieen : although, as the secre- 
tary observed to his correspondent, there might be other 
constructions, which he did not think to be of force. 

The intrigues of court, and matters transacted in the 
month of October, as they were communicated by the se- 
cretary in his correspondences, were these that follows. 

Sundry devices were now at court concerning the na- 
tion's inward causes. Certain made and devised talks, as 
though some of the council were of one mind concerning 
the Scotch causes, and some of another. And truth it is, 
that arguments had been made contrariwise; some to 
aid the lords of Scotland plainly and openly, some but 
covertly, some not at all. But in the end, the queen re- 
solved to use all good means, by mediation, by open coun- 
tenance, to relieve them ; but to do nothing that might 
break peace. 

Sundry rumours arose at court, that the lords did not 
iSrTs^did^^ agree together. As, that my lord of Leicester should not 
not agree, have SO great favour as he had : that my lord of Sussex and 
he should be in some strange terms : that the duke of Nor- 
folk, the lord chamberlain, the earl of Hunsdon, &c. should 
also not allow of the said earl of Leicester : that sir Thomas 
Heneage, vice-chamberlain, should be in good favour with 
her majesty, and so misliked by the said Leicester; with 
such like infinite toys. But the secretary said, he trusted 
hereof in deed no harm should follow: for that all these 
lords were bent towards her majesty's service; and did not 

Rumours as 


so much vary amoiiff themselves, as lewd men did report. CHAP. 

But to tell truly what he thought was, that the queen's fa-. 

vour towards my lord of Leicester was not so manifest as it-^nno 1565. 
had been, to move him to think that she would marry with 
him ; and yet his lordship had favour sufficient, as he heard 
him say, to his good satisfaction. The earl of Sussex 
thought the earl of Leicester might do more for him in 
causes of Ireland than he had. The duke of Norfolk loved 
the said Sussex earnestly. And so all the stock of the How- 
ards seemed to join in friendship together. Sir Nicolas 5 16 
Throgmorton was much noted by speech to be a director of 
my lord of Leicester. But the secretary thought that lord 
well able to judge what was meet or unmeet ; and did use 
Tiirogmorton friendly, because he shewed himself careful 
and devout to his lordship. 

The treaty at Bruges was continued till the 15th of March. Counsel 
The court was now devising, how either to accord without thrinte"-^ 
the disadvantage of the English at the next meeting, or else course, 
to cease the intercom-se ; and nevertheless to continue traf- 
fic and amity : a matter indeed (as the secretary gave his 
judgment) like a maze to walk in. 

A way devised at the court for the stay of frequent de- Depreda- 
. '' tions. 


Malvesier, the French ambassador, returned from Scot- The French 
land; where he had been with the Scotch queen, to exhort 1!"^^ ^^3'* "'" 
her to compose differences between her and her subjects, from the 
But had not profited with that queen; so earnest was she queen, 
bent against the duke of Castelherault and his complices. 

The Scotch queen now was in field these eight days withsi.eis in 

^ ,., , . the field 

five or six thousand men. But what she was like to obtain ^ith an 
by it none could tell. '"''"y* 

The lords that combined against her, were at Dumfreez The lords 

- _ . rr>, . ••11' at Dum- 

without any force of importance. Their principal torce was f^^^^. 
the universal good- will of the realm, saving of a few about 
the queen. 

Sir Henry Sydney now had his commission to be lord Sir H. Syd- 
deputy in Ireland. He was to depart within tour days, deputy of 

,, o Ireland. 


CHAP. Arnold [the queen''s chief magistrate there] should return, as 
others had done, with mislikina:. 

Anno 1565. The lady Cecilia lived bountifully here. Of whom also 

the'kdT ° ^^^^ sundry opinions. Some, that she meant to set on foot 

Cecilia. her brother's former suit for marriage : but perceiving that 

not to be found probable, some now said, that she would 

further my lord of Leicester towards her majesty. But if 

she should find no success thereof, then some will say, said 

the secretary, what they list. 

Archduke Many looked for answer from the emperor for Charles's 

looked for. coming: and many thought still thereof to see success. 

The parties I will add further two or three memorials, however com- 

in arms, mencing the beginning of the next year ; because they do 

so nearly relate to the former transactions. As to the Scotch 

matters, thus the secretary wrote to his correspondent, 

March the 26th, 1566. " I am in doubt to which of the 

" parties I should wish victory, as percase in their heats 

" they covet. And yet I cannot think evil of the earl of 

" Murray. I see the subjects brought to desperation, and 

" the prince into indignation." 

The ill All out of ioint in Ireland. Full time therefore for sir 

state of 

Ireland. Henry Sydney to go thither. The good subjects in all parts 
oppressed ; the Irish bearing rule. But in all no peril, sav- 
ing in Shan, who will, as he used to say in his drunkenness, 
be lord or king of Ulster. Whatsoever the earl of Kildare 
did before this deputy's coming, now the court was assured, 
that he both at present did, and would continue to do not- 
able service against that rebel O Neyle. Against whom, be- 
cause the queen and her council would advisedly proceed, 
Mr. Vice-chamberlain went over to confer with the lord de- 
puty. And in the mean time they sent treasure aforehand. 
And there was cause to fear again, that O Neyle's boldness 
was fed out of Scotland. 
517 Reports now were enough at court and city, of Leices- 
the'queen'" ^^^^^ absence, and of his return, and of the queen's favours 
favourites, to Others. But they were fond, and many untrue. " Briefly," 
said the secretary upon these rumours touching the queen. 


I affirm, that the queen may be by malicious tongues not CHAP. 
well reported ; but in truth she herself is blameless, and 

" hath no spot of evil intent. Marry, there may lack, espe- Anno i565. 
" cially in so busy a world, circumspection to avoid all oc- 
" casions." 

The matter of archduke Charles, said he, was of the Archduke 
queen surely minded ; but the progress therein had many ratten * 
lets. The thing was much allowed of the nobility. And the 
secretary shewed his sense of this grand affair by the prayer 
he added ; " God,"" said he, " direct the queen to marriage 
" in some place : or otherwise her regiment will prove very 
" troublesome and unquiet." And he was a true prophet. 

The convocation met again this year. May the 2d, in king a convoca- 
Henry the Seventh's chapel. And Dr. Yale, the archbi-*'°°' 
shop's vicar-general, by authority of the queen's brief to the 
archbishop, and his grace's letters commissional to him 
thereupon, did again continue and prorogue the said convo- 
cation to the 5th day of October next, and so from time to 
time till October the next year, 1566, when the parliament 
sat affain. 


The Declaration of the London ministers answered. Dis- 
order of the yonth in Cambridge. Pope Pius his bull. 
Practices of the pope and papists continue. The pope''s 
nuncio here privately. Bullinger''s correspondence with 
bishop Sandys and bishop Jewel. This bishop's Defence. 
Adrianus Saravia in Jersey ; for episcopacy. His letter 
to Cecil. One Reynolds tortured at Rome. Reformation 
in Scotland. 

J. HE book lately set forth, (mentioned before, chapter Anno i5«6. 
xliv.) in vindication of such ministers of London as left their \^ ^^^ p^ 
livings, rather than they would wear the habits required, daration of 

o' >^77. ^ 1 • • />^1'S London 

entitled, A declaration of the doings of the ministers o/ ministers. 
the city of London., soon received a grave and learned an- 
swer, printed in a thin quarto, and called. An examination, 



CHAP, for the time, of a certain declaration lately/ put in print in 
^^^^^^- the name and defence of certain ministers of London, re- 

Anno } 566 fusing" to zccar the apparel prescribed hy the laws and or- 
ders of the realm. It was done by some eminent hand, and, 
as it seems to me, by the archbishop of Canterbury himself. 
In the epistle to the Christian reader, the cause of writing 
this answer is shewn to be the " provocation of that treatise 
" so solemnly advouched, so confidently affirmed, and very 
" lately so publicly by print divulged and dispersed.*" The 
518 writer notwithstanding professed to say not half so much as 
might be spoken in the comprehension of the cause, nor to 
take so much advantage against that inconsiderate Avi-iting, 
as it might deserve to be charged ; but briefly to put to the 
author's consideration, the weakness of the reasons, and the 
sophistication of the arguments of that discourse, unworthy 
of itself (to say the truth) to be once answered ; as being 
so written as every man (but such as were either too par- 
tially bent to the cause, or for lack of learning could not 
expend the substance of the writing) might perceive that it 
must needs fall to ruin and decay of credit of itself, though 
no man should bend any force against it ; and however (in 
the heat then taken) thought to be wittily, gravely, invin- 
cibly written, &c. That as for those that were learned, and 
commonly judged to be among this number, they could not 
much joy to fight under their banner, or to run with them 
to the mark they shot at. For that it was certain, that 
many whom this small rout, named London ministers, would 
have to be joined with them for their more honesty, were 
far from their determinations in this question, neither so 
handling it, nor would so conclude in this cause as they 
The wiser did: howsoever, some of them, he said, did a little stay at 
sort of the ^j^^ ^jgij^o; of this apparel in themselves ; yet were not of 

refusers of o rr ' ./ ^ 

the habits, their judgment to condemn the things of wickedness, nei- 
ther in themselves, nor in the use of them, as the ministers 
in this church of England be called now to wear them. 
And therefore, howsoever they would wish a liberty to their 
own consciences reserved, till they might see more in the 
cause, that yet they were far oft" from condemning their 


brethren, whose consciences could serve them, for obedience CHAP. 

sake, to use them That therefore he must say, that '_ 

they were but a very few in themselves, other than such as Anno i566-. 
had been either unlearnedly brought up most in profane 
occupations, or as were puffed up in an arrogancy of them- 
selves ; and peradventure, chargeable with such vanities of 
assertions, as he would at that time spare to charge them 
with : praying God they fell not at last to the sect of ana- 
baptists or libertines; as some wise and zealous men of 
tlieir own friends and patrons feared they made posthaste 
one day openly to profess. 

Then lie converted his discourse to the papists, who took The writer's 

, . , . r, -, address to 

no small delight to observe these discords ni this retormecl the papists 
church; imagining that the queen, upon a displeasure at'^"^"^""- 
these differences, would in time change the present religion, 
and liave a better opinion of popery. And these indeed 
were the fears and apprehensions of some good men. But, 
saith our answerer, the adversaries of true religion (mean- 
ing the Eyiglish Lovainists) could win no great rejoice at 
these men's oversights; as being but a very few, and 
counted none of the sincere and learned protestants, how- 
ever for a time they seemed to be among us. And these po- 
pish adversaries should have the whole state of the clergy 
in place and reputation for learning, wisdom, and gravity, 
concord ly joined, to be wholly against them. And he shewed 
them how unlikely it was, that the prince would, for the 
disproving of a few counterfeits, dislike the whole state of 
the rest of the clergy, who should by God's grace be able 
enough to defend the true religion of the gospel : which 
they might hear how the prince did profess daily and 
openly to maintain and defend to the utmost jot of the 519 
word of God with renouncing as well all foreign authority 
as all foreign doctrine ; and surely grounded upon this 
stable rock of God's word. And that diey could not be- 
witch wise men's heads or hearts, but they could discern 
truth from falsehood, devotion from superstition, papistry 
from the gospel, tyranny from discipline, Christ from Anti- 
christ. This was the sum of the preface, which I give the 

p 4 


CHAP, larger account of, because a great deal of it is historical, 
■ and will let in light upon us concerning these times and 

Anno 1566. thino-s. 

In the book itself, the writer undertook to weigh and ex- 
amine the grounds and reasons distinctly, which had been 
urged in the said Declaration, for refusing the apparel and 
garments then used of Christ's church in England : which 
he doth nervously. 
Certain In the end of this book are added several notable letters 

ters about' translated into English, written in king Edward's days, re- 
the habits, lating to this argument of the habits ; about which there 

under king • i • i • ^ r. i i 

Edward. Were some argumgs also in that reign. One of these letters 
was writ by archbishop Cranmer to Dr. Martin Bucer, 
then the king's professor of divinity in Cambridge, requir- 
ing his judgment in this matter. Another letter was from 
bishop Hoper, who sometime scrupled wearing the episco- 
pal habit. Also, two letters of the said Bucer's ; one in an- 
swer to the said archbishop, and the other to the honour- 
able Johannes a Lasco, no friend to the habits. And one 
letter more writ by Dr. Peter Martyr, the king's professor 
of divinity in the other university of Oxford, to the said 
Hoper, for his satisfaction. The reason the author gave for 
subjoining these letters was, that they (the opposers of the 
habits) might so advisedly expend the earnest counsel of 
these two notable fathers, in this their purposed discussing 
of the cause, as at last to rest in quiet, praising God in 
truth, and to forsake error, covered with zealous persua- 

A proper And lastly, in the beginning of this examination, the au- 

about the thor thought ht to preface a very apt quotation out of St. 

habits from Augustin's epistle to Jauuarius ; which bemns thus: "Such 

St. Angus- , . p. . . . ° 

tin. " things [in religious worship] as have diversity of observa- 

" tions, by reason of the diversity of lands and coun- 
" tries, &c. all these things have freedom in observation, 
*' and certes there is no manner of discipline or usage in 
*' these things more agreeable unto a grave and prudent 
" Christian man, than that he attemper himself to the or- 
" ders of that church whereto he shall chance to resort. 


" For, by St. Ambrose's counsel, a man ought to observe CHAP. 

" that manner which he sees that church to use whereunto '_ 

" he chanceably cometh, if he will not be slanderous to any Anao i56«. 

" man, or any man be slanderous unto him. As for me," 

saith St. Austin, " when I diligently bethought myself of 

" this sentence, I always had it in such veneration, as if I 

" had received it as an oracle heavenly sent from God." 

Trovibles in the university of Cambridge about the ha- Disorder in 

11 1 •/? 1 i Cambridge 

bits and certam other rites, could not yet be pacihecl, not- ^tin. 
withstanding the vigorous means used the last year, as was 
shewed before. The inconvenience whereof was, that good 
studies of useful learning were laid aside for wrangling 
about trifling matters; and many well-disposed people in 520 
the nation, that used to exhibit to poor students, began to 
withdraw their charities, or diminish them. The secretary, 
who was chancellor also of that university, out of his ex- 
ceeding love and compassion towards it, despatches a letter 
in November, this year, 1566, to Dr. Beaumont, his vice- November 
chancellor, and the rest of the heads ; that they would do ^ 
their endeavours to bring in peace and uniformity in their 
body. That we may be more fully acquainted with the 
chancellor's message, the letter carried this purport. 

" That in the common opinion of the best, the lightness Cecil to the 
" and disorder of the youth, as well in apparel as other be-^g"or,' 
" haviour, was a great hinderance to learning, and a token Paper- 

• 1 1 1 1- J house. 

*' of great negligence in then- overseers, both pubhc and 
" private. It was also a stay at this day of many men's 
" charities; who, if these things were more moderately 
" used and reformed, would have dealt much more liberally 
*' with the poorer sort. And so, he said, in many places 
" sundry did affirm and pronounce. And therefore he, 
" their chancellor, did require them all, not only in their 
" several houses, but they also the rest, publicly to assist 
" the vice-chancellor, to see all such lightness and disor- 
" derlv behaviour repressed presently, and good order 
" hereafter continued. That learning being joined with 
" godliness, modesty, and the glad embracing of good or- 
" der, they might reap such fruits, and profitably serve to 


CHAP. " those ends whereunto those godly foundations were first 
'_ " erected. And he added, that their diligence and confor- 

Aniioi566'. " mities herein should move him to be in his doings more 

" careful for their matters abroad; although in mind, he 

" said, he could be no more.'"" 

The pope's Let US now see somewhat of the disturbances raised this 

confound- J^ar in the church by papists, in behalf of their cause. 

iag the he- Pope Pius V. in the first year of his pontiff, set forth a bull 

to anathematize and confound the heretics, and to sow dis- 

Foxes and cord among them. It ran to this purport : " That whereas 

part ii. ' " he had found, and daily did find, that heretics increased 

p. 40. li jj^ several colonies, principalities, realms, and countries 

" subject to the see of St. Peter his predecessor; and that 

*' they fell from and deserted his jurisdiction with blas- 

" phemous and railing writings against him, his ceremonies 

" and apostolical jurisdiction and privileges, granted hira 

" and his successors by God, and formerly generally ac- 

" knowledged by emperors, kings, and princes, to be his : 

" therefore in the name of the Holy Trinity, of the blessed 

*' mother of God, of St. Peter and St. Paul, and in the 

" name of the holy host of heaven, of the archangels and 

" angels, of the holy apostles, saints, and martyrs, he did 

" anathematize all heretics, living, trading, or travelling 

*' in or among the same, wheresoever dispersed over the 

" face of the whole earth : and further willed and author- 

" ized the wise and learned of his ecclesiastics to labour, en- 

*' deavour, and contrive all manner of devices, to abate, as- 

*' suage, and confound these heretics. That thereby the 

" heretics might either be reclaimed to confess their errors, 

" and acknowledge the jurisdiction of the see of Rome, or 

*' that a total infamy be brought upon them and their pos- 

521 " terities by a perpetual discord and contention among 

" themselves. By which means they might either speedily 

" perish by God's wrath, or continue in eternal difference."'"' 

May 10. This was dated the 6th of the ides of May, at Rome. 

The designs Pather Freke, a Jesuit of sreat authority in Paris, thus 

of the bull, *^ . i»/r 1 1 • -XT 

to dispense explained this bull, and the design of it, to Malachias Ma- 
with new J jj.- j^ £^- ^^j afterwards a convert, that this 

doctrines. ' ' 


bull dispensed with the devisers for devisino; of new tenents, CHAP, 
doctrines, and covenants, and that it dispensed also with mar- 

rying by the heretical law, [meaning the laws of the re-Anno i566'. 
formed church of England,] provided that the device in- 
tended was to promote the advancement of Rome. And 
that marriage, as they, the heretics, performed it, was no 
marriage, but a venial sin. 

Upon this bull many undertook to serve the mother Many dis- 
church ; who entered their names in the chief convents of ^p,'^:^^ f„j. 

their several orders ; and in their commissions they had piotestants, 
„ . 1 1 1 1 1 J- to sow false 

several names, three or four, ni case they should be disco- joctrine. 

vered : and that when they had intelligence, they might fly 
to another place, and still keep correspondence with the 
convents. The advantage of this was, that as it sowed he- 
resy and schism among heretics, so it hindered uniformity 
in the church of England. Secondly, It prevented Roman 
catholics from turning away from their principles, [when they 
might thus in an heretical country do as the heretics, and 
yet keep their religion.] Thirdly, Whenever the church of 
Rome should have a design to destroy heresy, she would 
never want intelligence ; having one or more of her wise 
men among these several sorts of heretics. 

There were directions given to those who were licensed instructions 
to perform what this bull appointed. As, they permitted to emissaries. 
marry, and that upon two accounts ; viz. that they might 
not be suspected, and because heretical marriage is no mar- 
riage, if the matrimonial ceremonies be contrary to the Ro- 
mish orders. Several of these licensed persons were to take 
upon them several callings according to their inclinations ; 
and yet to preach and expound. And if they were asked, 
how they came by this ability, they must reply, By the 
Spirit of God, hy revelatimi, and by searching- the scrip- 
tures. If they were asked, upon what grounds they took 
upon them to preach, they must reply. We preach not, but 
teach. And if they should be asked, why they taught, not 
being churchmen, they were to say. Because the sons of' the 
prophets did teach. So did Jehosaphat and his princes; 
and the disciples of Christ before Christ's resurrection, and 


CHAP, divers in the church of Corinth, that were no churchmen. 
_;_ Because the heretics of England and other provinces were 

Anno I o66'. permitted to read the scriptures; therefore, before they 
were well grounded in their principles, it was necessary to 
preach variety unto them. To some, the doctrine of free- 
will. To others, that children should not be baptized till 
they come to years of discretion. To others, a monarchy 
of earthly happiness after this temporal life. To others, 
that the righteousness of man depends not upon the faith of 
Christ, but upon charity and affliction : and that any gifted 
man may either give or receive the sacrament : and all these 
things must be performed outwardly with great fervency : 
for thereby they would not be suspected or discovered. All 
522 these instructions Freke communicated vinto the before 
mentioned Irish friar, when he went into Ireland, in the year 
1564. So that it seems these tricks were used before the 
pope had publicly allowed and blessed them in the bull 
The pope This pope seeing he might not have a nuncio openly in 
vate agent England, yet obtained his purpose, by employing one here 
r ^d^Ei" J^^^Jiy years in his service, living securely in this nation un- 
p. 118. der colour of an Italian factor; his name was Ridolpho ; 
^ ' * ■ and seemed to have come hither about this year. His bu- 
siness was to excite the papists in England against the 
queen : which he did effectually ; and prevailed also upon 
some protestants to do the like ; some out of private hatred 
and disafFectedness, and others affecting innovation. He 
meddled in making a match between the queen of Scots 
and the duke of Norfolk, and drew in the good duke among 
the popish conspirators, and made him head of that party 
to his ruin. And when this busy pope issued out another 
bull against the queen, deposing her from her crown, and 
exciting her subjects to rise against her, he sent the printed 
copies thereof to Ridolpho, to be dispersed through the 
realm. Whereupon followed the rebellion in the year 1569. 
And then he had orders from the pope to furnish the re- 
bels with an hundred and fifty thousand crowns: which 
though he could not at tliat time perform, being made a 


prisoner upon suspicion ; yet he distributed the money soon CHAP. 
after. And, (to take up all his story together,) the conspi- 

rators, when all was ready, sent him to the pope to inform Anno 1566. 
him how well prepared they now were, and, in the way, to 
entreat the Spanish assistance forth\vith out of the Nether- 

Ireland this year gained an eminent convert, named Sa- in Ireland, 
muel Mason, bred a Jesuit in Paris; to which place he ^on a con- 
came in the year 1550. Sir Henry Sydney, the queen's J^^^, for-^^ 
lord lieutenant in Ireland, was so well satisfied with his suit, 
learnino' and the truth of his conversion, that he took him 
for his chaplain. And afterwards the archbishop of Dubhn 
gave him the benefice of Finglas near Dublin. This man 
made a notable speech in Chrisfs-church in Dublin before 
the said lord heutenant, the archbishop, and the mayor and 
aldermen of the city : wherein he said, " It was not want 
" drove him thither ; for he might have been entertained 
" at Paris, where he abode eight years : that for two years 
" and upwards he dissembled with the society; such was his 
" frailty, he confessed: but he then spent his time in learning 
" the language of that kingdom, and searching records and 
" libraries there, wherein he found various matters, to dis- 
" suade him from that impious way of living. That there- 
" fore he came thither to acknowledge liis ignorance and 
" perverseness, and to embrace the truth, which he had for 
" a long time scandalized and rejected." This Mason soon 
after presented a narrative to sir Henry Sydney, declar- 
ing the strange ways and means resolved upon by pope 
Pius IV. for the reducing the protestants of England, and 
his contrivances against them : which were mentioned under 
the year 1560, being the first year of that pope. 

Bullinger towards Christmas, or before, presented San- Buiiinger 
dys, bishop of Wigorn, with his Commentary upon Daniel, book'to'bt. 
to whom he had dedicated it, accompanied with his letters si'op San- 
to him. Sandys, in his answer writ in January, acknow- j^^J^^^,^ 
ledo-ed the great honour he had done him, in setting forth a letter to 
book of such learning in his name : and that it was highly ^"^'^ 
acceptable to him. He proceeded to mention his great hu- 


CHAP, manity towards all the English, whereby every body was 
XLVIII . " . o ' ^ J J 

' obliged to him, but he above the rest. He spake of his 

Anno 1566. kind reception of him when he was a poor exile, and came to 
Zurich without harbour and friends. And that afterwards, 
when Providence had restored him home to his own coun- 
try, still Bullinger continued to love him, and to do him all 
the honour he could. And therefore he acknowledsred him- 
self his debtor ; and since he was not able to pay what he 
owed him, he beseeched Him to be his paymaster, Avho fully 
satisfied once for all our debts. And by Abel, a merchant 
and a pious man, he sent him a token. As for news, he 
writ him, how Christ's true religion had taken place in the 
realm ; and that the gospel was not bound, but was freely 
and purely preached. And therefore, as to other things, 
said he, it was no great matter. That there was some con- 
tention about the wearing and not wearing of popish gar- 
ments ; to which, God, he said, in his good time, would also 
put an end. 
Bishop Jewel, bishop of Salisbury, also in February writ a long 

to Bullinger ^^^t^'* to the same Bullinger, together with Lavater, another 
and Lava- divine of Zurich, relating- the news in Ensrland : as, con- 

ter. . ■' o ^ o ' ' 

cernmg the matter between Harding the papist and him- 
self; concerning the quiet state of the realm, things being 
now in peace ; only the divines of Lovain did make what 
disturbance they could among us. That the queen was 
well, but was averse to marriage. That their old acquaint- 
ance bishop Parkhurst, bishop Sandys, bishop Pilkington, 
were all well in their respective dioceses; but so distant 
from each other, that he had not seen them in three years, 
[that is, since the last synod.] That the contention about 
the apparel was still on foot. That for their parts, they 
wished all footsteps of popery might be removed both out 
of the churches and out of the minds of men ; but the queen 
would hear of no changes. Jewel also gave them account of 
the state of Scotland and France. The originals of these 
two letters remain in the library of Zurich : transcripts 
Numbers whereof I have by me ; which may be read in the Re- 


XXXVI. pository. 


This year was this incomparably learned bishop busy in CHAP. 
writing a Defence of his Apology, which some of the Eng- 

lish papists had struck at the last year, in a large volume, Anno 1 566. 

Defends 1 ' 

full of calumny. And in order to his answer, in March, by ^^fe^nds his 

letter, he consulted with Bullinger, (a man whom this bi- 
shop styles, oraculum ecclesiarurriy being esteemed of the 
greatest learning, and of various knowledge among the pro- 
testants in those days,) to give him information in these 
thinffs followine; : I. Whether the Christians in Greece, Puts que- 
Asia, Syria, and Armenia, used private masses, as the pa- J'.'^^^^"^ 
pists did : and what kind of masses, whether public or pri- 
vate, the Greeks at Venice then used. II. Whereas there 
was one Camocensis, who had writ somewhat sharply against 
the lives and insolences of the popes, who he was, and when 
he lived. III. What he thought of that German council, 
which they say met under Charles the Great, against the 
second Nicene council, concerning images : because some 
said there was no such council. I have also the transcript 
of this letter in my possession, and think it worthy of a 5 24 
place in the Appendix. Number 

. ■ • XXXVII. 

There was lately a confession of faith set forth by this^,^ ^ ' 

•' . -^ 1 he church 

Bullinger and others, for the churches of Helvetia ; which of England 
our church did then heartily consent to, and own. This I t^arof^^'* ' 
take from the pen of one that well knew, viz. Grindal, bi- Helvetia, 
shop of London. For there is a letter of his to the said 
BuUinger, wherein, among other things, speaking of our 
church's aft'airs, he shewed, how that many did endeavour to 
bring into the church a doctrine different from the pure 
and sincere profession, as it was embraced by the churches 
of Helvetia ; but. Ad hnnc usque diem cum vest r is ecclesiis 
vestraque corifessione nuper edita plenissime consentimus, 
i, e. that to that day they did fully consent with the Helve- 
tian churches and confession lately published. 

Something also I have here to say of another learned fo- Adrian Sa- 
reigner, who came out of the Low Countries for the pro-j^^'^^* 
fession of religion, and lived within these dominions, and 
was a great approver of the episcopal government of our 
church ; his name was Adrian Saravia. Tiiis year, 1.566, is 


CHAP, the first mention I find made of him; afterwards making a 
'_ good figure in this church ; and chiefly known for a dis- 

Anno 1566. course he made and pubhshed, De diversis ministrorum 
evangelii gradibuSy i. e. Of the different degrees of the mi- 
Writes for nisters of the gospel : principally designed in vindication of 
episcopacy. ^^^ episcopacy of the English church, against several in- 
famous books, which at that time were set forth, wherein the 
dignity of our bishops was hotly assaulted, and endeavours 
used to render them odious. The danger whereof was the 
calling in question the reformation of this church, and ex- 
posing it to the derision of the enemies of the truth : which 
the author maketh one ground of his taking in hand to write 
on this subject. But Beza, the chief minister of Geneva, 
wrote against this tract of Saravia : and he again, in the 
year 1594, writ a very learned defence of his own tract in 
answer to Beza ; and dedicated it to Whitgift, archbishop 
of Canterbury ; ^Imer, bishop of London ; Cooper, bishop 
of Winchester ; and Fletcher, bishop of Worcester. This 
Saravia was born in Flanders ; his father a Spaniard, his 
mother one of Artois, both protestants. Flying from the 
troubles of his own country, he removed himself and family 
to Jersey, where he taught a school, and preached to his 
countrymen exiles there. Hither, from Ghent, he sent for 
his aged father and mother, and maintained them with him. 
But in the year 1 566, upon some hope of more quiet liv- 
ing in his own country, he had thoughts of returning, to do 
God service among his own countrymen. Hereupon Cham- 
brelain, governor of Jersey, knowing Saravia''s worth, and 
the great good he did in that place, that wanted learned and 
able men, endeavoured to prevent his going ; writing a letter 
to secretary Cecil to use his interest with him to tarry where 
he was : and to encourage him so to do, that the secretary 
would procure him to be a free denizen of this kingdom. 
But the reading of Chambrelain's letter will explain this 
matter more fully ; which was to this tenor : 
525 He advertised the secretary, " That the alteration which 
A letter to a ^^^^ i\me yielded presently in Flanders, moved the bearer, 
tary coa- " Adrian de Saravia, schoolmaster there, to seek some con- 


" ference about it with certain his countrymen in London. CHAP. 
" And l)y that means it was to be doubted, that he might be ^'^^^"- 

" withdrawn from thence; which would be no httle liinder-Anno isee. 
" ance to his sjood bemnninffs in that isle : where he, with """"'."S ^'>- 

<=> CI o 7 ravia s use- 

" his father and mother, honest and aged persons, had lately fulness at 

" repaired unto him, and were in some good stay. That, paper- 

" considering the lack of such a man, endued with such "''i^e. 

" virtues as were not readily found, he, the said Chambre- 

" lain, wished earnestly his continuance in the said isle, as 

" well for the instruction of youth in good letters, as also for 

" setting forth of good and sound doctrine ; whereof there 

" was, he said, no little want there. And to that end he 

" humbly besought his honour, that as his travail had been 

" to further good things there, he would use all the reason- 

" able persuasions that might be for the stay of the said 

" schoolmaster, in the exercise of the charge which he had 

" enterprised there ; the rather, for that he was assured of 

" no certainty elsewhere, as did well appear by his said fa- 

" ther and mother, who had been contented, for their better 

" succour, to seek relief at his hands there. And to encou- 

" rage his disposition to continue there, if it liked the queen's 

" majesty, by his honour''s means, to naturalize him by her 

" letters patents, he knew he would take the same in very 

" good part; as undoubtedly he, the governor, thought him 

" well worthy of that favour, besides much better reward. 

" Which on his part, Saravia continuing his good exercises 

" there, as he had very well begun, he would not fail to 

" consider in the best sort he conveniently might. So be- 

" seeching Almighty God to maintain his honour in prosper- 

" ous estate ; subscribing, 

" Francis Chambrelayne.''' 
" From Castel-Cornet, the 24th 
" of September, 1566." 

Saravia, it appears, did still remain at Jersey ; the pious Saravia's 
reasons whereof he wrote himself to the said secretary, '''**'^'^ ^'^ *''® 

•^ secretary. 

(whom lie called his patron,) in a handsome, well-penned 

VOL. I. PART II. Q. *'*'^" 


CHAP, letter in February following ; which, for that learned and 
well deserving man's memory, let me insert : 

' Ornatissimo viro D. Gmlielmo Cecilio, patrono sno, Adri- 
anus Saravius, S. P. D. 

Nequa forte animi levitate ant inconstantia, vir orna- 
tissime, foictum putes, quod, ut stattieram, ad meos Belgas 
me non confulerim, rationcm tibi panels exponam. Dimis- 
sionem ajratribus, qui hie sunt, impetrare non pottii. Ab- 
ire autem. ipsis invitis cnm mala ipsorum gratia, milii res 
prorstis indigna visum est. Propterea ego hie habeo apud 
me utrumque meum parentem, quos Gandavo, cum turbcR 
illic inciperent, revocavi. At me, cum illis, uxore et liberis 
in turbulentam prcBcipitare tempestatem, cum quid opus hoc 
rerum statu patrice mecc afferre queam, incertus sum, con- 
52b silium mihi visum nan est. Hi sunt trabales clavi, qui me 
hie affixum detinuerunt. Interea, mi domine, si tibi indig- 
nus non videar, municeps et civis vester fieri vchementer 
cupio. De hac gente nihil scribo, nisi quod nunquam sibi 
sitfutura dissimilis. Vale. 

Guerzea, prid. cal. Februarii. 

An Eng- In Naples in Italy had the gospel got considerable foot- 
peisecuted "^S before and about this time. For which many there 
to death at were persecuted : and among the rest an Englishman, named 
FoxiiMSS. D- Tho. Reinolds, who kept for the most part about that 
city. And being there, was accused by some of the citizens 
for matter of religion to the bishop of the said city : who sent 
him from thence by sea to Rome, with three other gentle- 
men of Naples, likewise accused for religion ; there to an- 
swer to such matters as they should be charged with. And 
the same Tho. Reinolds, being there, was cruelly tormented 
with the torture, called by the Italians la trotte da chorda, 
by the Spaniards Fastrapado, to force him to impeach or 
accuse others of like profession of religion, whom he knew. 
Which torture, together with other their cruel dealings 
against this good man, in short time bereaved him of his 
life in prison, in the month of November, 1566. 


Now let us look, upon the neighbourlno: church of Scot- CHAP. 


land, which at this time was in m-cat fermentation ; but the '. 

gospel still gathered number and increase, notwithstanding'^""*^ ^^^'''• 
that queen had endeavoured all she could to the contrary ; fenSn'i?/ 
who appointed six or seven masses to be said openly in her Scotland. 
court, and all admitted, that would, to hear them ; when be- 
fore there was only one mass, and no Scots allowed to be 
present. And whereas, when the reformation was first set 
on foot, provision was made, that out of the goods of the 
monasteries, which were come into the exchequer, stipends 
should be allowed to the preachers of the gospel, she, for 
two years, paid nothing. She had lately expelled Knox, the 
chief minister of Edinburgh, out of the city, and would by 
no means allow his return. But yet notwithstanding, out 
of the court all remained as before, without any attempts 
towards setting up popery again. The nobility and the 
citizens, by far the greater part, were for the gospel, and 
shewed many and great signs of their constancy therein. 
Of these, James Steward earl of Murray, the queen's bas- 
tard brother, was the chief; a godly man, as bishop Grin- 
dal styled him, and of great authority. But the queen 
agreed but badly with her husband ; the cause whereof was 
by reason of one David, an Italian, whom the cardinal of 
Lorrain had recommended to the queen. He was the 
queen's chief counsellor and confident, and of himself go- 
verned all, without consulting the king, who indeed was a 
man very young and light. These doings of David the 
king could not bear ; and forming a conspiracy with some of 
the nobles and courtiers, one day hurried him away out of the 
queen's presence, upon whom he called for help in vain, and 
procured him presently, with many stabs, to be slain. But 
this act of the king the queen could not forget, though she 
had a son by him. All this above did bishop Grindal write 527 
to Bullinger, in a letter dated August 27, 1566. 

About six months after, bishop Jewel, in a letter to the Fnrtiier 
same Bullinger, givcth this further account of the Scotch r!'^*'"" 

. . 1 rt> . thereof. 

ecclesiastical affairs : That some nobles of the best state and 
quality lived in exile in England, and others remained at 

Q 2 


C H A P. home, and prepared themselves in case of violence to make 
XLVIII. j-ggisjaj^ce : and sometimes made excursions from their cas- 

King Plii 


Anno 1566. ties, and brought in what they could out of the fields and 
possessions of the papists. The queen, however fierce in 
lier mind for papism, yet could scarce tell what to do, and 
whither to turn ; for she had the greatest part of the nobi- 
lity and people against her in respect of religion ; and the 
numbers still increased, as it seemed. King Philip had of 
late sent hither an abbot, an Italian, with Spanish gold, a 
cunning man, and framed for fraud and craft. His busi- 
ness was to assist that king and queen by his subtle coun- 
sel, and to fill all with tumult. The king, who had hitherto 
abstained from going to mass, and had of his own accord 
gone to the sermon, to become popular, when he heard the 
ship with money should come next day, being now made 
more confident, hereby took courage, and would no longer 
dissemble, but commanded mass to be said before him. 
Knox the preacher in the mean time, in a church hard by, 
declaimed loud against idolaters, and against all papistry, 
never louder. And in fine, as for this rich ship, it was tost 
by tempests and winds, and shattered ; and losing her masts, 
and all that she had in her, and full of water, was driven into 
England. This, said Jewel, I make no doubt, was God''s 
doing, to let the unwise king see how unfortunate it was to 
hear mass. 

This winter was a great dearth of corn, by reason of the 
unseasonable weather the winter before ; but there was a pro- 
spect of plenty the year ensuing. 

A dearth. 

A parlia- 
ment be- 
gins to sit 
October 2. 


A sessiwis of parliament. Sanctuaries. A hill for the 
validity of bislwps' consecrations. Address to the queen 
for her marriage, and the succession. Bills for religion. 
The queens speech to the pa7-lianient in answer to their 

xjlFTER divers prorogations, there was a session of par- 
liament this year. The first day of their sitting was Wed- 


nesday, October the 2d. Richard Onslow, esq. the queen's CHAP, 
soUcitor, was chosen speaker in the room of Williams, dead. 

The things moved or done in the houses of parliament this Anno isbs. 
session, that had any respect or influence on religion, I shall 
briefly relate. Of which the queen's marriage and the suc- 
cession were thought none of the least. 

October the 5th, a bill was brought into the house of com- Kill against 
mons for the avoiding sanctuaries for debt ; and read the 
first time. And October the 7th read again, and ordered to 528 
be engrossed ; when allegations were made for the exemp- 
tion of the sanctuary at Westminster out of this bill, by the Sanctuary 
dean thereof. And a day was given him to attend the house minster. 
with his learned counsel, to shew cause why the said sanc- 
tuary should be exempted. October the 16th, the dean of 
Westminster, according to the appointment of the house to 
appear that day, was present at the bar with his counsel, 
Edmund Plowden, of die Middle Temple, and Mr. Ford, a 
civilian. The dean himself made an oration in defence of 
the sanctuary ; and alleged divers grants by king Lucius, 
and divers other Christian kings : Mr. Plowden alleged the 
grant for sanctuary here by king Edward five hundred years 
ago, viz. anno 1066, with great reasons, laws, and chroni- 
cles. Mr. Ford also alleged divers histories and laws for the 
same. Thereupon the bill was committed to the master of 
the rolls, and others, to peruse the grants, and to certify the 
force of the law now for sanctuaries. The 31st of October, 
upon the said master of the rolls' report of this bill for 
sanctuaries, it was agreed to be engrossed. But December 
the 4th, this bill for taking away sanctuary for debt was 
read the third time ; and upon the question and division 
of the house, it was dashed, there being with the bill 60, 
against it 75. 

October the 17th, a bill for declaring the making and Bill for 
consccratinff of archbishops and bishoi)s of the realm to be ^°" 

, 1 ,. 1 , P 1-1 ,1 tionsofi)!- 

good, lawful, and perlect, was read m the commons nouses],opsto be 
the second time, [the first time of the reading is omitted in^oo^^- 
the Journal,] and ordered to be engrossed. October the 
22d, this bill for confirming the consecration of archbishops 


CHAP, and bishops within the realm was read the third time, and 
' passed upon the question : and was carried up to the lords 

Anno 1566. |.j-,g j^g^j. ^^^ jj^ j-j^g lords'* house this bill was read October 
the 26th, the first time. October the 30th, read again. 
October the 31st, read the third time, and committed to the 
lord chief justice of the common pleas, justice Southcote, 
and the attorney-general. November the 6th, this bill was 
read again, and concluded, with the consent of the dissent- 
ing peers; these, the earls of Northumberland, Westmor- 
land, Worcester, and Sussex ; viscount Mountague ; lords 
Morley, Dudley, Dacre, Monteagle, Cromwel, and Mor- 
daunt. This bill went down to the commons again : and, 
December the 2d, it was sent up to the lords with a provi- 
sion, and was read the first, second, and third time, and by 
common consent concluded. This passed into an act at the 
conclusion of this session. 

The occa- That wliich partly gave occasion to this act was the law- 
suit between Boner, late bishop of London, and Horn, bi- 
shop of Winchester : who, as before was declared, tendering 
the said Boner, lying in the IVIarshalsea within Winchester 
diocese, the oath of supremacy, he refused it, saying, that he 
was none of his diocesan ; nay, no bishop at all ; and so had 
no right to administer it to him. This reflected greatly 
either upon the queen's letters patents in appointing her bi- 
shops, or upon the form whereby they were consecrated. 
And hereupon many disaffected to the established religion, 
hoping it might strike at the root of the reformation, if the 
bishops were not legally and duly made and consecrated, 
529 uttered their minds abroad. This is expressed in the pre- 
amble to the act, as the occasion of it, viz. shewing, " How 
" divers questions, by overmuch boldness of speech and talk 
" among many of the common sort, being unlearned, had 
" grown upon the making and consecrating of the arch- 
" bishops and bishops, whether the same were duly and 
" orderly done according to the law, or not ; which much 
" tended to the slander of all the state of the clergy, being 
" one of the greatest states of this realm. Therefore, for 
" the avoiding of such slanderous speech, and to the in- 


" tent that every man that was wilhng to know the trutli CHAP. 
" might plainly understand the same evil speech and talk ^L^^- 

" was not grounded upon any just matter or cause, it was Anno i566. 

" thought convenient by this act, partly to touch such au- 

" thorities as did allow and approve the making and consc- 

" crating of the same archbishops and bishops, to be duly 

" and orderly done according to the laws of this realm ; 

" and thereupon further to provide for the more surety 

" thereof." 

Then the said act shewed, how in an act 25 Henry VIII. The bi- 

•^ shops con- 

was set forth a certain order of the manner and form, how secrations 

archbishops and bishops in this realm should be elected and ^^^mer^sta- 
made : and again, how king Edward, his lawful successor, tutes. 
set forth an uniform order of service and common prayer, 
and put into the same book a good and godly order of the 
manner and form, how archbishops and bishops, priests and 
deacons, should from time to time be consecrated and or- 
dered within the realm. That queen Mary indeed repealed 
these laws. But in the first year of queen Elizabeth, her 
successor, they were again revived by parliament, and 
enacted to be in force, in the acts of supremacy and nni- 
forimty : and that the queen, for the avoiding of all ambi- 
guity and questions, had, in her letters patents, for the con- 
firming, investing, and consecrating any person, elect to the 
office of archbishop or bishop, used such words and sen- 
tences as were accustomed to be used by the said king Henry 
and king Edward in their letters patents, made for such 
causes ; and likewise had put into her letters patents such 
general words and sentences, whereby, by her supreme 
power and authority, she dispensed with all cases or doubts 
of any imperfection or disability, that might any ways be 
objected against the same ; so that no doubt could or might 
be justly objected against the said elections, confirmations, 
or consecrations : but that every thing requisite and material 
had been done for that purpose, as precisely, and widi as 
great a care and diligence, (or rather more,) as ever the like 
was done before her majesty ^s time. 

(i 4 


CHAP. Wherefore, for the plain declaration of all the premises, 
'and to the intent that the same mie'ht be better known. 

Anno 1566. whereby such ill speeches might hereafter cease, it was now 
stance"of declared and enacted, that the said act and statute made in 
the act for the first of the queen, whereby the Book of Common Prayer, 
tion. ^c. was appointed to be used, should stand and remain good 

and perfect to all respects and purposes: and such order 
and form for the consecrating of archbishops, &c. as was set 
forth in the time of king Edward VI. and added to the said 
Book of Common Prayer in the fifth and sixth of his reign, 
530 be from henceforth to be used: and that all acts and things 
heretofore done about any consecration, confirmation, or in- 
vesting of any person to the office and dignity of archbishop 
or bishop, within this realm, since the beginning of her ma- 
jesty's reign, was and shotdd be declared, judged, and deemed 
good and perfect. 
A proviso There was a provision at the conclusion of this act, very 
to the po- favourable to Boner and the other popish bishops, that re- 
pish bi- fused the oath of supremacy that had been tendered them 


by the present bishops. By which refusal, certified into one 
of the queen's courts at Westminster, they incurred im- 
prisonment and other forfeitures. This proviso was, that 
no person should be impeached or molested in body, lands, 
livings, or goods, by means of any certificate, by any arch- 
bishop or bishop heretofore made. And that all tenders of 
the said oath, and refusal of it so tendered, were void and of 
none effect. So mercifully disposed were these times in 
comparison of the late days, when popery reigned ; and 
even to those who had no mercy themselves to others. But 
proceed we to another grand business in this parliament 
Motion for October 18th, a motion was made for the reviving of the 

an address . , i • i i i • /» 

to the suit to the queen, touclung lier declarmg oi a successor, m 
queen, to ^g^gg j^gj. n^aiestv should die without issue of her own body. 

declare her . . . . 

successor. Which matter had been moved in the first session of this 
parliament, anno 5 regince. 

What the great arguments were, which the parliament 
used with the queen with so much earnestness, for her to 


appoint a successor, and to limit the succession, may be seen cHAP. 
in a discourse of one of the members unnamed ; amounting ^^^^' 

to twenty reasons, and upwards. A copy whereof remain- Anno isgs. 
eth in the Cotton hbrary, with this title, That the limitation Arguments 

•^ ' ' to move 

of the succession of the crown should be to the queen''s ma- the queen 
jestys service. For which the reader may apply himself to *'^^"" °' 
the second Appendix. F. 

It was not a thing very acceptable to the queen to be put 
upon, to name who shovild succeed her : which caused some 
of her courtiers in the house of commons to put this by, if 
they could, by letting them know her intentions of mar- 
riage, to provide them a successor of her own body. There- 
fore the next day, viz. 

October 19, secretary Cecil, and sir Francis Knolles, herTransac- 
V ice-chamberlain, told the house, the queen was moved to houses con- 
marriage ; and that she minded, for the wealth of her com- cerning this 
mons, to prosecute the same. And sir Ambrose Cave, chan- 
cellor of the duchy, and sir Edward Rogers, comptroller of 
her household, affirmed the same : and thereupon persuaded 
and advised the house to see the sequel of that, before they 
made further suit touching the declaration of a successor. 
But divers lawyers (among whom were Mounson, Bell, and 
Kingsmill) argued very boldly ; and so prevailed, that the 
majority of the house were for recontinuing their suit for the 
declaration of a successor, and to get the queen's answer. 
Those four privy counsellors that moved for a stay of it, did 
it not without her majesty's special direction ; who, it is very 
probable, foresaw the great inconveniences that the further 
prosecution thereof would produce. 

But the majority of the house carrying it, the same day it 531 
was ordered, that all the privy counsellors, being members 
of that house, with forty-four others, should meet the next 
morning to consult and advise in what manner they might 
move the lords to join with them in this matter. But the 
lords, it seems, did not much like this business : for though 
they had appointed the select number of the lower house to 
repair to them on the morrow following, yet the morrow 
being come, viz. 


CHAP. October 22d, their lordships desired the committees of 
^ that house to defer their comino; unto them till to-morrow. 

Anno 1566. The reason of which was, because the archbishop of York, 
and several other lords, spiritual and temporal, had been ap- 
pointed first to wait upon the queen in the afternoon, to 
know her pleasure therein, as might be gathered from the 
journal-book of the lower house. It was not before 

October the 25th, that the lords told the committees of 
the lower house, (who were sent up for to them,) that they 
would join mth them in the foresaid suit to her majesty. 

Ditto the 26th, the lords, after deliberate consultation, 
and advice taken, how to proceed in this great matter of 
succession and marriage, this day sent sergeant Cams and 
Mr. Attorney down to the lower house, to signify that they 
would have a chosen number sent up to them, for their 
knowledge to be had of the same. 

October the 30th, lords to the number of thirty-six were 
appointed to have conference with a number of the house 
of commons, touching a petition to be made to the queen for 
the succession and her marriage. 

October the 31st, the house of commons appointed sir 
Edward Rogers, sir Francis Knolles, sir William Cecil, and 
four more of the queen''s privy council, and divers other 
members, to have conference with the lords aforesaid, touch- 
ing those two great matters. 

November the 5th, the lords sent to the commons, re- 
quiring thirty of their house to be chosen by Mr. Speaker 
out of their foresaid committees, with thirty of the lords by 
themselves appointed, to be before the queen in the after- . 
noon, by her majesty's commandment, at her palace at 
Whitehall, to vmderstand what her pleasure should be con- 
cerning the said two great businesses. Accordingly, the 
archbishop of York, the bishops of London and Durhani, 
with many other temporal lords, to the number of thirty, 
and as many of the house of commons, Avaited upon her 
highness in the afternoon, for the said purpose. Then the 
lord keeper made a speech to the queen at good length to 
n .wes ^^^ purpose aforesaid ; which is set down by D'Ewes. 


The queen'*s answer was this in sum: touching her mar- CHAP. 
riage, she gave them some hope, but excused herself in not '_ 

declaring a successor, in respect of the great danger that Anno 1566. 
might ensue. Her speech is set down in D'Ewes' Journal ; ^^^ queen's 

f^ r _ answer to 

which was not very satisfactory, and somewhat (and, as it the pariia- 
seems, designedly) dark. " As for her marriage, she said, njarnage*" 
" a silent thought might serve. She thought it had been so and succes- 
" desired, that none other trees blossom should have been 
" minded, or ever any hope of fruit had been denied them. 
" But that if any doubted, that she was by vow or determi- 532 
" nation never bent to trade in that kind of life, she bade 
" them put out that kind of heresy, for their belief was 
" therein awry. And though she could think it best for a 
" private woman, yet she strove with herself to think it not 
" meet for a prince. As to the succession, she bade them 
" not think, that they had needed this desire, if she had seen 
" a time so fit, and it so ripe to be denounced. That the 
" greatness of the cause, and the need of their returns, made 
" her say, that a short time for so long continuance ought 
" not to pass by roat. And that as cause by conference 
" with the learned should shew her matter worth the utter- 
" ance for their behoof, so she would more gladly pursue 
*' their good after her days, than with all her prayers whilst 
" she lived, be a means to linger out her living thread. 
" That for their comfort, she had good record in that place, 
*' that other means than they mentioned had been thought 
" of, perchance, for their good, as much as for her own 
" surety ; which if they could have been presently and con- 
" veniently executed, it had not been now deferred or over- 
" slipt. That she hoped to die in quiet with Nunc di- 
" mittis ; which could not be, without she saw some glimpse 
" of their following surety after her graved bones." And 
this was all the answer they had to their long prepared ad- 
dress. On the next day, viz. 

November the 6th, that the whole house might be ac- 
quainted with it, Rogers and Cecil read in writing notes of 
the queen''s sayings before the lords and committees of the 


CHAP, commons; importing, that her grace had signified to both 
houses, by the word of a prince, that she, by God's grace, 

Anno 1566, would marry, and would have it therefore believed. And 
touching limitation for succession, the perils were so great to 
her person, and whereof she had felt part in her sister"'s time, 
that the time would not yet suffer to treat of it. Whereat 
all the house was silent. Notwithstanding, 

November the 8th, Mr. Lambert began a speech for itera- 
tion of the suit to the queen*'s majesty for limitation of the 
succession. And thereupon it was strongly reasoned on both 
parts ; insomuch, that the queen was moved ; and the next 
day, viz. 

November the 9th, sir Francis Knollys declared, that it 
was the queen's express command to the house, that they 
should no further proceed in their suit, but to satisfy them- 
selves with her highness's promise of marriage. After which, 
secretary Cecil and Mr. Comptroller severally rehearsed the 
like matter. But this ended not so : for, 

November the 1 Ith, Paul Wentworth, a member of the 
house, by way of motion, desired to know, whether tlie 
queen's command and inhibition, sent the other day to the 
house, were not against the liberties and privileges of the 
house. Whereupon arose divers arguments, which con- 
tinued from nine of the clock in the morning till two in the 
afternoon. And then all further reasoning was deferred 
till the next morning. And the next day, viz. 

The 12th of November, Mr. Speaker was sent for to at- 
tend upon the queen at the court about nine of the clock : 
who therefore sent to the house, requiring them to have pa- 
tience. And after his coming, which was about ten of the 
533 clock, he began to shew that he had received a special com- 
mand from her highness to this house, notwithstanding her 
first commandment, that there should not be further talk of 
that matter in the house, that is, touching the declaration of 
a successor. And that if any person thought himself not 
satisfied, but had further reasons, he should come before 
the privy council, and there shew them. But this course, it 


seems, the house could not tell how to take, no more than CHAP, 
the message she sent before. Insomuch, that, after several ^^^^' 

days, the queen thought fit to revoke both messages. For, Anno i566. 

November the 25th, Mr. Speaker came from the queen, 
and declared her pleasure to be, that for her good-will to 
the house, she did revoke her two former commandments : 
requiring the house no further to proceed at this time in 
the matter: Avhich revocation was taken of all the house 
most joyfully, with most hearty prayer for the queen, and 
thanks to her for the same. But now for some other bills. 

December the 5th, the parliament intending reformation Bill of ar- 
of many matters in religion, a bill, together with a little religion, 
book, printed in the year 1562, for sound Christian religion, 
[the Thirty-nine Articles, I suppose,] was read the first 
time: and December the 10th read the second time, and 
ordered to be engrossed. And December the 13th, the bill 
for the articles of religion passed upon the third reading. 
And the next day this bill with others were sent to the 
lords by Mr. Vice-chamberlain and others. Which bill, en- 
titled. For uniformity hi doctrine^ was read the same day 
in the lords' house the first time : but it went no further 
this session. This bill was again brought into the parlia- 
ment, anno 13th Ehzab. Vid. the Journal of the house of 
commons. May the 17th. 

December the 6th, a bill for punishing offenders in swear- Bills for 
ino\ drunkenness, and other such like crimes, was read in*^*'^'" 
the commons"' house the second time; and likewise divers 
other bills touching religion. These bills were, I. For the 
order of ministers. II. For the residence of pastors. III. To 
avoid corrupt presentations. IV. For leases of benefices. 
V. For pensions out of benefices, and leases of benefices. 
All read the first time. But these bills had no further pro- 
gress this parliament : for it was dissolved soon after. 

These bills, with that for the articles of sound doctrine, 
rested till the beginning of the parliament of 13. regnn. 
1571 : when, upon the 6th of April, they were all again 
presented to the house ; and a seventh bill added, which 
was, touching the commutation of penance by ecclesiastical 



Anno 1566 

Bill for 
the new 


fairs on 

Alms ga- 
thered in 
the house. 

A convo- 

judges. All these bills were then referred to committees to 
consider of them. And the 7th of April they were all read 
• again. And they passed the house. But the queen, on the 
1st of May, by the lords of the upper house, declared unto 
the committees of the commons, that she approved their 
good endeavours, but would not suffer these things to be 
ordered by parliament. Yet, however, they passed all the 
bills, and sent them up to the lords the 17th of May fol- 
lowing, by Mr. Comptroller and others. 

December the 12th, a bill was read the second time in 
the lords' house, for confirmation of the new erected dean- 
eries and prebends. 

December the 21st, the general bill to avoid fairs and 
markets on Sundays, putting them off to the next day fol- 
lowing, read in the house of commons the first and second 

January the 2d, alms given by the said house, for the 
relief of the poor, amounted to the sum of 19^. 10*. to be 
paid to Henry Knowles and sen. Mr. Grimston, members 
of the house. 

We must not omit the mention of the convocation that 
met this parliament time, though little was done in it beside 
giving the queen a subsidy. It had been prorogued from 
February the 8th, 1565, to October the 1st, 1566: on 
which day, being Tuesday, it was adjourned till Friday, 
October 4, and so from day to day, till Wednesday, Octo- 
ber the 30th. Then the bishops being met together, after 
treaty and communication among themselves, the prolocutor 
was called up, and required to select six discreet persons of 
the lower house, to devise and conceive a form of a book 
for a subsidy to be granted by the prelates and clergy of 
the province of Canterbury. 

December 4, sess. 11, the clergy being met at Lambeth, 
(to which place the convocation had been adjoiu'ncd on 
Friday, November 22, and there continued ever since,) the 
archbishop caused the book of the subsidy to be read be- 
fore them. And being agreed upon, December 6, was sent 
unto the clergy of the lower house. And December 7, the 


instrument of the said subsidy was presented unto the queen CHAP, 
by the archbishop of Canterbury, and the bishops of Lon- 

don, Chichester, Ely, and Lincoln, several of the lower Anno is 66. 
house attending also, but not called in, the queen not being 
well. AVhich she read cheerfully, and rendered them thanks. 

The convocation, having been formerly adjourned from Dissolved. 
day to day, ever since the granting of the subsidy, and no- 
thing else done, or proposed unto the house, was finally 
dissolved by authority of a writ from the queen. 

About two or three oVlock in the afternoon, January the The queea 
2d, came the queen to the house, and passed a subsidy bill, ^l^^ ^^_ 
and several more, viz. thirty-four public acts, and fifteen I'a"^^"*- 
private; and dissolved the parliament, after she had made 
a speech to them, shewing herself very much displeased 
with some of them, for meddhng so much with the succes- 
sion. But she told them, " That though perhaps they 
" might have after her one better learned or wiser, yet she 
*' assured them, none more careful over them. And there- 
" fore henceforth she bade them beware how they proved 
" their prince's patience, as they had now done hers. And 
" notwithstanding, not meaning, she said, to make a Lent 
" of Christmas, [being that present time of the year,] the 
" most part of them migiit assure themselves, that they de- 
" parted in their prince's grace." 

CHAP. L. 535 

Proposals of marriage between the archduke and the queen. 
The duke of NorJhni:''s advice about it. Midwives'' prac- 
tices. A popish confederacy of foreign potentates. Dean 
Wotton dies. Dean NoweVs book against Dorman : and 
bishop JexceVs book against Harding. The Dutch church 
apply to the ecclesiastical commission. The queeii's am- 
bassador in Spain affronted. Popery in Lancashire. The 
queen! s letter to the bishop of Chester thereupon. The 
church of Carlisle's leases. 

TAnno 1567. 
HIS year was great talk of the queen's matching with The match 

in hand be- 


CHAP. Charles, the noble archduke of Austria, and son to the em- 
peror ; about the which, the carl of Sussex had been sent 

Anno 1567. in embassy unto the emperor. But though the English na- 
arduhike^ tion earnestly desired to see the queen married, for the as- 
and the surauce of an heir to succeed her, yet they were very jea- 
lous of any popish prince to become her husband, for fear 
of introducing that religion, which they had felt enough of 
not long before. The archduke therefore condescended very 
far to satisfy the queen and the nation herein. All that he 
required in this regard was a toleration to exercise his own 
religion secretly in his chamber ; and that with these con- 
ditions following, which were dated October 24, 1567, as I 
transcribed them from a Cotton MS. viz. 
The con- J. That none but such of his own which he shall bring 
fered. ju- witli him, being not otherwise persuaded in their conscience, 
hus, F. 6*. shall come to his service, upon pain to be punished as straitly 
as may be devised. 

II. That neither himself, nor any of his, shall in any 
wise, by speech or argument, reprehend or mislike of the 
religion of England, nor maintain any subject of the realm 
to the contrary. 

III. That if any public offence shall grow of this tolera- 
tion granted to him, that he will for the remedy thereof be 
advised by the queen's majesty and her council. 

IV. That he will refuse no advice and counsel, to be in- 
formed by the queen''s majesty in any thing pertaining to 
the matter of religion, for instruction of his conscience. 

V. Lastly, He will at all places and in all times accom- 
pany the queen''s majesty to her divine services, and will be 
always publicly present at the same. 

In all other things which have been moved between the 
queen's majesty and him for the marriage, he freely yieldeth 
to the queen's majesty's will'. And if she shall not like of 
his person when he cometh, he will return, as shall be her 
majesty's pleasure. 
Debated in This matter was in the month of December debated se- 
riously in the privy council : and whether these conditions 
should be accepted or not, and whether the liberty of the 


popish religion should he allowed the duke of Austrich CHAP, 
at all. ^• 

The last difficulty was, whether the ai'chduke should not^nno 1567. 
upon his marriage have the title, style, and honour of a^*^" 
king; next, whether after issue procreated of us, he should be crowned 
not be crowned king, and so remain. Which Avas in the'""»' 
name of the queen thus answered. 

To the first. That if other things requisite shall be ac- 
corded, he shall not be denied to have the like title and 
styles in this realm that king Philip had, upon the mar- 
riage of the late queen our sister. 

To the second, It cannot be by the laws of the realm 
granted ; nor yet were it meet in reason, that any person 
marrying with us and leaving issue, should be crowned 
king of the realm. Eor thereby injury should be done to 
the inheritors of the crown ; that is, to the heirs of our 
body, if God should give us any, or, in default of them, to 
the next heirs. 

The duke of Norfolk being then not well, and therefore The duke 
retired to his house in Norwich, was sent for to come to^j^j^^i^g 
the council. But his want of health made him, instead of 
coming, write his mind, and send it to the queen and coun- 
cil : which he was the better able to do, having understood 
how that affair stood by letters lately sent him from the 
earl of Sussex, now ambassador with the emperor about 
this match. Which writing of the duke's favouring, I sup- 
pose, the cause, made several to censure him as disaffected 
in religion, and to be a papist : though indeed from his 
youth he was bred a good protestant, rather indeed bending 
towards the puritans than the Romanists. For he was bred 
up under John Fox, and had entertained Dering for his 
chaplain. The sum of this the duke wrote in a letter to his 
kinsman, the earl of Sussex aforesaid, still ambassador with 
the emperor, viz. 

" I write these few lines, good cousin, rather because I His letter 
"would among others of your friends you should liear * ^ g'^^gg^' 
" from me, than that I can write any thing of courtly pro- Titus, b. 2. 



CHAF. " ceedings. And yet by the last letters I received, I did 
___1___" understand, that the resolution for answer to the arch- 

Annoi567. " duke should be to satisfy all his well-willers. My state 
" in health was such, as I was not able to repair to the 
" court myself, although I received letters for my repair, 
" in the afternoon, when I had received your packet in the 
" morning before : which made me more able to know what 
" I had to do. And therefore, instead of my own going, I 
" did write to her majesty at some length what I thought 
" of the matter. Which letter hath been scanned accord- 
" ing to every man's affection. And therefore I newly am 
" now counted a papist : but as long as I discharge my 
" duty and conscience to God, my prince, and my country, 
" I am too well mortified to care for slanderous reports. 
" Thus, good cousin, resting yours, leaving the report of 
" the state of matters now at the court to others of your 
" friends' reports, who can write more certainly than I, be- 
" cause I heard not this eight days, I bid you most heartily 
" farewell. 

" Your assured loving kinsman, 

" From Norwich, this 18th " ^- Norfolk.'' 

" of December, 1.567." 

537 There is one thing more I shall observe under this year. 
The danger- j^j^j^^pjy g^ licence the archbishoD of Canterbury m-anted to 

ous prac- •' ... 

ticesofmid-Eleonor Pead, to be a midwife, with the oath she took, 
wives. Whereby it may be perceived what were sometimes the 
disorderly practices of midmves in those days : as, laying 
supposititious children in the place of the true natural ones ; 
using sorceries and enchantments ; hurting the child, or de- 
stroying it, or cutting or pulling off the head, or dismem- 
bering it ; baptizing the infant new born, in case of neces- 
sity, with odd and profane words, and using sweet water, 
or water perfumed. But behold the oath this woman 
took : 
The mid- "I, Elconor Pead, admitted to the office and occupation 
Park. Re- " ^^ ''^ midwife, will faithfully and diligently exercise the 
gist. « said office according to such cunning and knowledge as 


" God hath given me: and that I will be ready to help CHAP. 
" and aid as well poor as rich women being in labour and ^" 

" travail of child, and will always be ready both to poor Anno 1 567. 

" and rich, in exercising and executing of my said office. 

" Also, I will not permit or suffer that any woman being in 

" labour or travail shall name any other to be the father of 

" her child, than only he who is the right and true father 

" thereof: and that I will not suffer any other body's child 

" to be set, brought, or laid before any woman delivered of 

" child in the place of her natural child, so far forth as I can 

" knovv' and understand. Also, I will not use any kind of 

" sorcery or incantation in the time of the travail of any 

" woman : and that I will not destroy the child born of any 

" woman, nor cut, nor pull off the head thereof, or other- 

" wise dismember or hurt the same, or suffer it to be so 

" hurt or dismembered by any manner of ways or means. 

" Also, that in the ministration of the sacrament of bap- 

" tism in the time of necessity, I will use apt and the ac- 

" customed words of the same sacrament, that is to say, 

" these M^ords following, or the like in effect ; / christen thee 

" in the name of the Fathe?; the Son, and the Holy Ghost, 

*' and none other profane words. And that in such time 

" of necessity, in baptizing any infant born, and pouring 

" water upon the head of the same infant, I will use pure 

" and clean water, and not any rose or damask water, or 

" water made of any confection or mixture : and that I will 

" certify the curate of the parish church of every such bap- 

" tizing."" 

As for the state of the reformed religion at this time in .v confede- 
this and other countries, it Avas now most dangerously un- ^^^^-^^l ^''* 
dermined by the chiefest popish potentates : who entered i-niues. 
this year into a secret combination to destroy it utterly, and 
forcing all other states and princes to enter into the same 
with them. The articles whereof were procured by some of 
the queen's spies and intelligencers, and sent to the secre- 
tary in the Dutch language. The translation whereof was 
as followeth : 



CHAP. ^ hj-ief abstract of tliartldes of the secrett contract and con- 
federation or leage, made between the pojje, the emperor^ 

Anno 1567. ^/^^ 'k'mge of Spa'me, the hinge of P or tin gall, the duke of 
Bavier, the duke of Savoy e^ and other their confederals^ 
me. and companions, or consorts : into the which contract or 

leage they have sought meancs to drawe in tJie French 
M?2g, which hath allreadye coJisented, anno 1561. 
1- ALL Lutherians and Calvinists, or Hugonots, which be 

against the churche of Rome, shalbe rooted out : and in the 
place of those potentats, others shalbe placed at their plea- 

2. And when the said contract shalbe put in execution and 
acconiplyshed, they the said confederates with general) 
power and force shall goe against the Turke. 

3. The intention of the emperour is suche, that first of all 
there shalbe cut off from the empyre the paltzgrave and duke 
Augustus. And the said cuttinge off shalbe the first met- 
inge dale at Wormes, sodainely or they be ware thereof. 

4. And in their place shalbe ordeigned and placed them- 
perors two brethren, the archeduke Ferdynando and duke 

5' First, or at the beginninge, the goods of the dyssobe- 

dyent lordes and potentats, which will not consent to be 
comprehended in this contract, shalbe confyscated and 
seased upon by the said confederates. 

6. The same shalbe, throughe the emperours power, begun 
at Wormes, and soforth prosecuted in all other places nede- 

7. All well-willers and assisters of the churche-men of Lu- 
ther and Calvin shalbe displaced, banished, and condempned 
to deathe. 

8. Item, By the pope shalbe made and ordeigned a pa- 
triarke over all Duchelande, to make ordynances for the 
services and mayntenance of the churche of Rome. 

9. And for thaccomplishment of the said matter, and to the 
supportinge of the charges that shall arise upon the same, 
the pope shall geve and paie the one half of his revenewes ; 
and lykewise shall do all cardynalls, archbishops, and other 


spirltuall persons in Duchelande, and other countries, to CHAP, 
helpe to mayneteyne the churche of Rome. 

There shalbe constituted, ordeyned, and made, and Anno i567. 
placed rounde aboute, newe servants of the churche, with 
spirituall ordynances and ofFyces, accordinge to the use of 
the Romysh churche. 

Everie man shalbe commaunded and holden to goe to n. 
masse, and that on paine of excommunication, correction of 
the bodye, or deathe, or, at the least, upon losse of goods ; 
which goods shalbe parted and distributed emongest the 
principall lievetenaunts and capytaines. 

The kinge of Spaine promisethe withe all his power and 12. 
might, to provide and bringe to passe a mariage betwene 
the Frenche kinge and the emperours daughter. 

Callis, and other places lately belonginge to the crowne ^^• 
of Englande, shalbe delivered to the kinge of Spaine : and 
he shall helpe and assist the queue of Scotland ; and re- 539 
store her to her kingdome, in chasinge awaie the queue of 
Englande ; and helpe to destroye all suche as be aff'ectioned 
or make claime to the same kingdome. 

The kinge of Spaine his sonne shall have in mariage the ''*• 
emperours daughter. 

The emperour, the kinge of Spaine, and the Frenche ^^• 
kinge, shall, in their proper persons, be present in all suche 
warrs and exploits. 

The duke of Bavier shall be lievetenant generall for the ^^* 
pope, and general capyteine for the spiritualitie, in the said 
exploits and wars. 

And his eldest sonne shall have in mariage the daughter i7. 
of the duke of Lorrayne. 

The duke of Guyse shall have in mariage the daughter i^- 
of the yonge duke of Bavier. 

The sister of the Frenche kinge shalbe maryed to the i9- 
kinge of Portingall. 

And in case the duke of Florence deny or refuse to be '^^• 
comprised in the said contract, he shalbe dryven and chased 
out of his land. 

The dukedome of My Heine shalbe rendred and restored 21. 


CHAP, to the Frenche kinge; he shall have allso the ilandes of 
Corsyca, as soon as the Genevoises be from thence re- 

Anno 1567. moved. 

22. The Venetians shall subject themselfs allso to the said 
contract. And yf they refuse to doe the same, then shall 
the said confederals make sharpe warrs against them, and 
their lordeshippe and lande in' Italye shalbe geven from 

23. The duke of Florence, for thaccomplishment of these 
articles, shall ryde in post to the frontiers of France, where- 
as the kinoe and his mother sholde allso come; notwith- 
standinge that shall take no place throughe the solycitacion 
don by some of the kinges counsaill to the contrary. 

The causers and preferrcrs of this contract, be the car- 
dynall of Lorrayne, and of Graundvill, and his brothern. 
Which lykes the emperour verye well ; the rather, for that 
it first tendeth to honour and riches, which the house of 
Austria hath allwaies sought and desired. 

The cardynall of Burboyn is allso one of these prac- 

Uean Wot- Nicolas Wotton, LL. D. dean of Canterbury and York, 
ton dies. ^.^^ ^l^jg ^^^^ jj^ j^^^j,^ ,^ ^^^^ ^^j^. jjjQj^m^iei^t in the ca- 
thedral church of Canterbury, with his statue in a kneeling 
posture. By which effigies of him he seems to have been 
a spare man, his cheeks falling in. The head of it is 
counted an extraordinary fine piece of work. The inscrip- 
tion being in Latin, is very large, giving a contracted his- 
tory of the man. It expresseth, among other things, that 
he was sent ambassador twice to the emperor Charles V. 
once to Philip king of Spain, and to Francis I. the French 
king: thrice to Henry II. his son: once to Mary queen of 
Hungary, and governor of the Low Countries: twice to 
William duke of Cleves : that he was commissioner of the 
540 peace renewed between the Enghsh, French, and Scots, at 
Guisnes and Aides, in the year 1546: and likewise at Cam- 
bray castle in the year 1553. Lastly, one of the queen's 
ambassadors at Edenburgh in Scotland, 1560. 


As this dean deceased this year, so another dean of this CHAP. 
Enghsh church, namely, of St. Paul's, London, must have 

some notice taken of him, for a learned book now set forth -'^"'1° i-^^^. 
against Thomas Dorman, a papist, entitled, A Confutation ^l^^yXoo^ 
ofhhn. Dorman, a young forward man, now bachelor of'" confuta- 

•/ ^ J o tion of 

divinity, sometime a fellow of New College, Oxon, by the Dormaii. 
help, as it was thought, of the collections and writings of 
Dr. Richard Smith, to whom he was executor, undertook 
to answer some part of bishop Jewel's challenge ; and set 
forth a book in the year 1564, called A Proof', written to Dorman':; 
prove the necessity of one head of the church, who must be 
the pope, intended against certain articles of the said bi- 
shop's challenge, relating chiefly to this pretended head. 
This Proof, Nowel, dean of St. PauFs, soon answered, styl- 
ing his book, A Reproof of Mr. Dorman'' s Proof. But Dor- 
man defended his Proof, and called his defence, A Disproof 
qf NotoeVs Reproof; and this came forth in the year 1565. 
In Avhich book he had mingled many impertinent treaties of 
other matters in controversy between us, to help out with 
the great barrenness of his first subject, viz. the necessity of 
one head of the church. Then, in the year 1567, the dean 
set forth, in answer to the Disproof, a pretty bulky book, 
entitled, A Corifutatioji of Mr. Dormaris late hook, &c. 
whereby our counirymen, especially the simple and un- 
learned, may tmdeistand how shamefully they are abused 
hy those and the like books, pretended to be written for their 
instruction. The ground of this warning may be gathered 
from NowePs complaint in his epistle to the reader, viz. 
how unfairly and disingenuously Dorman dealt with him, 
for he either wholly omitted NowePs sayings, (which he pre- 
tended to go about to confute,) except a word or two in 
the beginning of them, and here and there piked what he 
thouffht ffood ; or if he did rehearse a few lines of NowePs 
book, he commonly broke off as he pleased, that the whole 
sense and strength of the sentence might not be perceived 
by the reader ; and so left out that which was especially to 
be recited on NowePs behalf. Things by him plainly spoken, 
Dorman obscured ; things divided, he confounded and min- 

R 4 


CHAP, gled; and commonly by putting to, or taking from, or some 
way altering the words, corrupted and falsified what was 

Anno 1567. said, and plainly meant: so that the reader, who should un- 
derstand both parties, and, by conference of both, judge of 
both, was either deceived or left in obscurity. And fur- 
ther, very ungenteelly, and the better to impose upon the 
reader, Dorman confidently in broad words charged his ad- 
versary with no less than eighty-two lies. But the other 
appealed to his readers, whether he had not discharged him- 
self clearly of them, and returned theni in order upon Dor- 
man''s own head, with great accession, interest, and multi- 

Dorman, a In both his books, the dean found him out to be a noto- 

''°'^'^' rious plagiary, in borrowing out of Harding, who was his 

master, and other writers, and copying out a great part of 

their allegations as his own. And to let this appear at 

541 once, towards the conclusion of the Confutation, he shewed 

P. 450. in a table in one column of it, that he had transcribed allega- 

Fourth ar- tions out of the fathers from the said Hardino;, in the fourth 

tide of . . . . . . 

Jewel's Re- article of his first book against bishop Jewel, in nine and 
P'y* twenty places at least. And in another column of the same 

table was shewn, how they had been all answered by the 
said bishop, or by the dean himself. And another table he 
framed, that discovered ten authorities more out of scrip- 
ture and doctors, stolen by the same Dorman out of Hosias, 
Confuta- and answered by the same bishop or himself, the places and 
454.' folios expressly set down. 

Novvei con- In the body of this book Nowel vindicated himself against 
der's book, another adversary, and that was Dr. Nicolas Saunder : who 
had wrote a great book, consisting of four hundred and 
twenty-five leaves, entitled, The Supper of the Lord set 
Jbrth accord'mg to the truth of the gospel and catholic Jaith. 
Which was observed to be the largest book that any Eng- 
lish papist had wrote in those days, excepting Mr. Heskins 
his Jordan. This title of Saunder's great book spake osten- 
tatiously of a confutation of Mr. NoweFs challenge. And 
what was this challenge, but something comprised in four- 
teen lines of his former book against Dorman .'' Which in 


short was this: "Mr. Dornian, nor all papists with him, CHAP. 
" shall never be able to shew cause, why these words, / am 

" the true vine, do not prove as well a transubstantiation, ^""" '^<''- 
" as Hoc est corpus meum.'''' The dean obtaining Saunder's ^"aliente. 
book from the bishop of London, who had got it, marvelled 
much to see the title of the book ; which made him toss the 
book over, and a great while found nothing concerning him- 
self: but after two hundred and thirty-three leaves, he found 
a discourse of seventeen leaves wrote against his fourteen 
lines. Now in his Confutation of Dornian, he thought fit 
to take notice of Avhat Saunder had writ against him, and 
to vindicate what he had said. And to do it with good 
profit to the readers, he confuted, in one whole alphabet, 
all his causes of transubstantiation ; which consisted only in 
these words. This is my body. 

Let me add in the last place concerning this book called The esteem 
The Coirfutation of DormarCs Disproof, that it must not bowel's 
be looked upon as the single judgment of one private divine •^o"'*- 
of the church of England, nor a book thrust hastily out 
into the world by himself without making any body else 
privy to his doing: bvit it was a discourse writ upon ma- 
ture deliberation; having been well weighed and perused 
by other great and wise men ; particularly the bishop of 
London, and the secretary of state. The former saw the 
sheets as Nowel finished them ; and so did the secretary, at 
least many of them ; and, it seems, corrected and added of 
his own to them : and in certain doubts he was consulted ; 
and among the rest, in somewhat mentioned by Dorman 
from Calvin, who had made some unhandsome reflections 
upon king Henry VIII. and his title of supreme head of 
the church of England. The answer that Nowel had framed 
to this, he sent to the secretary to review and consider. All 
which appears from the said NowePs letter to the secretary, 
writ in the month of April 1566 : wherein " he thanked MSS. Ce- 
" his honour for perusing of his papers; which he sent*^ "' 
" again written out unto him ; according as my lord of 
" London had told him was his honour\s pleasure. That 
" he had sent him half a dozen leaves or more in the latter 542 


CHAP. " end of it, to peruse when he had leisure ; which contained 
" an answer to Calvin, by oversight uncomely and untruly 

Anno 1567. « writino' of kino- Henry the Eighth, and the title of sii- 
'•'• pr'enie head ; which Dorman had laid to our charge. And 
" that he should be much bounden to his honour in case 
" he would (his leisure so serving him) oversee that part. 
" That the printer called upon him, and that he had no 
" cause to stay, but the lack of intelligence of his honour's 
" judgment of that part." 
Bishop By this time bishop JeweFs learned answer to Harding 

swer to was got into the press, and near printed in the month of 
Harding in September; though it came not forth till the year 1569, 
unless that were another edition. The bishop was now de- 
liberating concerning the dedication of his book ; and arch- 
bishop Parker and other of his friends advised him, for cer- 
tain good causes, to recommend it to her majesty ; espe- 
cially since Harding had already adventured in an evil 
cause to do the like. But before he would presume to do 
it, he thought fit to address a letter to the secretary, to aid 
him with his good counsel, since he best knew the inchna- 
Jewel'siet- tions of her majesty's mind; adding, that it stood not only 
dated Sep-' ^^i"^' the author, but also the cause itself upon, that such 
tember 27, attempts might have favourable acceptation. He prayed 
per-oittice, the secretary further to advertise him, what matter or mat- 
ters it were most convenient to touch in his preface to her 
majesty. And no question he had the secretary's advice 

In 1568, it was near coming forth : and as it was very 

learnedly writ, so it had the admiration of all: and the 

The queen queen herself read it diligently ; and gave Jewel thanks for 

reads it. , . . , , 

nis said work. 
Tiie eccie- This year the bishop of London, with other the queen's 
commit- commissioners for causes ecclesiastical, made a decree in be- 
sioners de- half of the Dutch Strangers' church in London. The occa- 
voiir of the ^ion this ; some members of this church had carried them- 
Dutch selves disobediently to the orders of it, and then, for avoid- 

church. . Ill 

mg the censures, had departed and revolted from it. This 
behaviour, too often practised, put the church upon ad- 


dressing and petitioning the said commissioners, tliat they CHAP, 
who without any just cause had thus gone from them, 

might be brouglit back, and obhged to a reconcihation with Anno i567. 
the church again. Hereupon they did decree, first, that mss. in 
the said Dutch church should continue in its first constitu- L^Jitno- 
tion, under its own disciphne hitherto accustomed, and in Beigic. 
its conformity with other the reformed churches ; confirm- 
ing the ministers, elders, and deacons of the same church 
in their ministries and administrations. And then exhorted 
all strangers abiding in the city of London, who professed 
Christ and his gospel, to join themselves to that church, 
and submit to its holy appointments. And further, declared 
all such as had made a defection from this church, and had 
caused the late disturbance in it, to be unquiet and stub- 
born persons, until by repentance they returned and gave 
satisfaction to God and his church ; reserving to themselves 
the further restraint and correction of them. This was 
given under their seal the 19th of December, 1567, anno 
reffincB 10. 

The like favour again another bishop of London long orders of 
after expressed towards this church, namely, bishop King, !'^'J^"^i|^JJ^'"^s^ 
upon the like occasion, in an instrument of order, bearing the same, 
date August the 9th, 1615, for the maintenance of this543 
church's customs and censures ; upon a petition put up to 
him by this church, and the Dutch church in Colchester, 
complaining of certain persons that offended against the go- 
vernment and censures ecclesiastical of their congregations. 
The bishop therein first specified, how king James I. liad 
extended his gracious favour towards this congregation, as 
also to that of Colchester, for the continuance of their quiet 
residence and habitation within the said city and town, and 
for their successive enjoying of their ancient accustomed li- 
berties in the government of their congregations among 
themselves. Which favour, as the said instrument testified, 
they had used with moderation, and with the good liking 
of the state, and his [the bishop's] predecessors, during the 
reign of (picen Elizabeth, without any just scandal or pre- 
judice given by them against the slate of the church of 


CHAP. England. And then the said bishop enjoined, that no mem- 
ber of tlie said churches that had offended, and therebj^ de- 

Anno 1567. served their censures, should depart from those congrega- 
tions, and join themselves to any parish church, before he 
had either been censured for his offence, or otherwise had 
reconciled himself unto his respective congregation. 
James' Whereas mention was made above of king James's gra- 

letters pa- cious favour towards the Dutch church in London ; this 
church! "* happened in the year 1611, Avhen this church purchased of 
that king the churchyard, and the houses built thereon, for 
600/. For which the king granted them his gracious letters 
amb^sT-"'* A thing happened this year to some English in Spain, 
dor's affront that as it shewed the iiot zeal of that people towards po- 
pain, pery, so it gave the queen a plain indication of their ill-will 
towards her. For they had forbid Man, her ambassador, 
to use in his own house privately the divine service prac- 
tised in England ; and moreover, had removed him from 
the court, nay, and the city Madrid. His servants, though 
they were the queen's subjects, they compelled to be present 
at the mass, and threatened them, if they heard the Eng- 
lish service. This the queen was soon acquainted with by 
the ambassador''s letter. This usage of her ambassador, 
however contrary to the law of nations it was, the queen 
still carried it fair with that king. But how she inwardly 
resented this affront, and what she did hereupon, she ex- 
pressed in her answer to the said ambassador ; which was 
to this tenor: 
The queen's " That since his servant"'s coming, she had understood a 
upon. Pa-" " matter very strange unto her, and not to be suffered : 
per-ottice. a which was, that all his household, being her natural sub- 
*' jects, (his own person only excepted,) did resort to the 
" common services of the churches there, contrary to her 
*' laws and ordinances ; and were not only compelled, but 
*' also by fear restrained from the exercise of any common or 
" private divine service within his own house, agreeable to 
" her laws. That she found this matter so inconvenient, 
" as, considering what impunity and privilege the king of 


" Spain's ambassador had here for his own servants, (which CHAP. 
" also some thought he enlarged, to serve the appetites of '_ 

"others,) was not allowable. That she thought meet to Anno 1 567. 

" declare unto him, the said Spanish ambassador, her great 544 

*' disliking hereof; and had required him to impart to the 

" king her good brother, this misusage of the privilege that 

" belonged to him, as her ambassador, and to procure the 

" speedy remedy thereof. For otherwise she would not 

*' with such an inequality suffer her minister to reside 

" there." The Spanish ambassador in his answer seemed 

to be ignorant of this usage; and promised to write, and 

deal herein effectually with the king his master. 

And the queen added, telling her ambassador, that it was 
her pleasure, if his servants were indeed constrained to re- 
pair to their churches, as it was said, that he should impart 
the same to the king, and require him to provide remedy of 
the same, assuring him, as he well and truly might, that if 
she had known thereof before, (as indeed she did not,) she 
would have in this sort dealt for the remedy whereof, as 
now she did. And she Avrote to her ambassador further, 
that he might say to the king, that she had imparted this 
to his ambassador here ; who could not but report how he 
was otherwise used ; and no part abridged of his privilege. 
Lastly, she required him to advertise her about this matter, 
to the intent she might give order for his revocation, if he 
might not enjoy like privilege for his household servants, as 
the king's ambassador did here. 

Religion in Lancashire and the parts thereabouts went back- Popery in 
wards : papists about these times shewing themselves there ^"'^'**' "'^^* 
to be numerous. Mass commonly said ; priests harboured ; 
the Book of Common Prayer, and the service of the church 
established by law, laid aside : many churches shut up, and 
cures unsupplied, unless with such popish priests as had 
been ejected. The knowledge of all this coming to the 
court, the queen sent down to the ecclesiastical commission, 
whereof the bishop of the diocese was the chief, (together 
with several others, whom she might trust,) to examine and 
redress these disorders, and to call before them all such as 


CHAP, were known or suspected to have any hand in them. And 
to the bishop of Chester, some time after, she wrote a letter, 

Anno 1567. reprehending him for his negligence in his diocese ; and re- 
quiring him to be more diligent in suppressing popery, and 
filling the vacant churches ; and that he should undertake 
a visitation for this purpose. But to give a more particular 
account of this matter, I shall subjoin the queen's letter ; 
which ran to this tenor : 

The queen a \Yp greet vou Well. We think it not unknown to you, 

to the bi- n • £. I 1 • • 

shop of " how we, of our own mere motion, for the good opmion we 
Chester ^ conceived of you in your former service of vis, to admit 

thereupon. _ •' -^ _ _ ' 

Paper- " you to be bisliop of that diocese; expecting in you that 
" diligence and carefulness for the containing of our sub- 
" jects in the uniformity of religion and the service of God 
" according to the laws of the realm, as now upon the cre- 
" dible reports of disorders and contempts to the contrary 
" in your diocese, and especially in the county of Lancas- 
" ter, we find great lack in you, being sorry to have our 
" former expectation in this sort deceived. In which mat- 
" ter of late we wrote unto you, and other our commis- 
" sioners joined with you, to cause certain suspected per- 
" sons to be apprehended ; writing also at the same time to 
" our right trusty and right well-beloved the earl of Darby, 
" for the aiding of you in that behalf. Since which time, and 
" before the delivery of the said letters to the earl of Darby, 
545 " we be duly informed, that the said earl hath, upon small 
" motions made to him, caused all such persons as have 
" been required, to be apprehended ; and hath shewn him- 
" self therein, according to our assured expectation, very 
" faithful and careful for our service. 

" Now therefore, considering the place you hold, to be 
" the principal minister in these causes, and such disorders 
" found within your diocese, as we hear not of the like in 
" any other parts, we will and charge you further to have 
" other regard to your office ; and especially to foresee that 
" all churches and cures be provided of honest men, as 
" well learned curates, as ye can cause to be provided ; 
" usinff therein tlie ordinances and censures of the church. 


" to the remedy of the defaults, and suffer not for the lack CHAP. 
" of your personal visitation, by repaii'ing into the remotest ______ 

" parts, and especially into Lancashire, that obstinate per- Anno 1567. 
" sons having been most justly deprived, be not secretly 
" maintained, to pervert our good subjects within any part 
" of your diocese ; as we understand they have now of long 
" time been. And herein we have the more cause to blame 
"you; for that besides your episcopal jurisdiction, you 
" have had all other good authority to reform these dis- 
" orders by our special commission to you and others di- 
" rected, for the reformation of these kinds of abuses in 
" matters ecclesiastical. Which you did instantly desire to 
" have, with promise thereby to have preserved your dio- 
" cese from these disorders." Under the next year we shall 
see the effect of this letter of the queen''s, and the remiss- 
ness of the bishop that caused it, and the prosecution of 
these papists. 

As the queen had this business with the bishop of Ches-Umeason- 
ter, so the bishop of Carlisle, (another church in this north- |^i'^''^.'*^*^* 
ern province,) had some business now with the queen andcimrcUof 
her council. The case was this: The church of Carlisle had ""^'^ ^' 
been gi-eatly wronged in its revenues by the old popish pre- 
bendaries; who, taking their opportunity in absence of sir 
Thomas Smith the dean, had made leases without reason 
or conscience for their own benefits, whatsoever became of 
the church afterwards. This was complained of above; 
and a commission was issued out to the bishop and the lord 
Scroop among others, to inspect into these unjust doings. 
And a certificate what was found and done, was the last 
year returned by the bishop and the said lord unto the 
queen's privy council; having been delivered by the said 
bishop into the secretary's hands the last parliament time, 
and remained still with his clerk ; but nothino; done therein 
as yet. Now in the month of September, Scot, one of the 
prebendaries of that church, came up on purpose to solicit 
this business, and to endeavour to obtain some remedy of 
these horrible abuses. And both the bishop and sir Thomas 
the dean gave him their letters, to introduce him to the 

I . 


CHAP, secretary; who was always ready to help the state of the 
church and religion. 

Anno 1567. The bishop in his letter requested his furtherance and 
^i'!,^'fJ'°P aid in these needful suits of that church ; shewino^, that the 

of Carlisle s ... 

letter to the evil dealing of the old prebendaries would appear to him in 

thereupon. ^'^^ Certificate of the commission returned the year before. 

Paper- Wherein, in that busy and troublesome time of parliament, 

and by reason of the secretary "'s sickness at that time, no- 

5 4o thing could then be done. That the church, although the 

present prebendaries were good husbands, was in distress, 

because the charges were large, as much as the revenue 

would bear, or more. He doubted not but that God would 

move his heart (as continually he did) to work herein as 

might stand with equity and justice, to the glory of God, 

and supportation of the painful preachers therein. 

And Smith The sum of sir Thomas Smith's letter, which the same 

letter. Scot also brought to the secretary, was, " That the said 

*' prebendary of Carlisle was come up to prosecute a further 

" remedy for abuses in unreasonable leases made in his [the 

" dean*'s] absence : and he prayed him, that he might ob- 

*' tain letters from the council to the lord president of York 

" and the council there, to take the matter in hand. He 

" hoped to bring it to some good pass, to the aid of the 

" poor church ; which was then by those unreasonable pre- 

" bends almost despoiled of all that it had. That he had 

" drawn a draught of such a letter as Scot desired, praying 

" the secretary to peruse it, and as he thought good to 

" amend, and to get it signed by his own and the lords"' 

" hands.'' 

These were some of the cares now taken, to redress the 
mischiefs the popish spoilers of the church now reformed 
liad done, as well out of malice as covetousness. 


CHAP. LI. ^LL^' 

Orders taken with papists in Lancashire hy the ecclesiasti- ^^no isss 
cal commission. The dean of St. PanTs preaches there. 
Detections of papists there. They send over money to 
Lovain. The see of York vacant^ The queen encourageth 
the universities to study divinity. The bishop qfChes- 
ter''s commendations. His expenses. The queen danger- 
ously sick. 

JLT was time for the state to look after those dangerous, Papists in 
disaffected men in Lancashire and the parts adjoining: and j^^'^g^* 
by those messages from the queen mentioned above, both after. 
the bishop of Chester and the commissioners ecclesiastical 
were spurred up to discharge their duties with respect to 
them. The bishop entered upon his visitation this summer ; 
and many papists and their doings were detected, and most 
of them reduced, outwardly at least, to obedience and com- 
pliance with the laws for religion. 

And first to give some account of the bishop*'s visitation : The bishop 
which proved thus, according to the relation he made him-^.isjjs 
self of it to the secretary in a letter to him dated Nov. 1 , 
1568, " That he had the last summer visited his whole Paper- 
" diocese, which was of length above six score miles, and ^""*^' 
** had found the people very tractable ; and no where more 
" than in the furthest parts bordering upon Scotland : 
" where, as he said, he had the most gentle entertainment 
" of the worshipful to his great comfort. That his journey 
" was very painful by reason of the extreme heat ; and if 
" he had not received great courtesy of the gentlemen, he547 
" must have left the most of his horses by the way : such 
" drought was never seen in those parts." 

The bishop also now sent up by one of his servants a what was 
true copy of all such orders as he and the rest of his asso- ^(^"^^^*^^_ 
ciates in the queen's commission ecclesiastical had taken shire gen- 
with the gentlemen of Lancashire : who (one only excepted, tbTcom-^ 
whose name was John Westby) with most humble submis- missioners. 
sions and like thanks unto the queen's majesty, and to her 
honourable council, received the same ; promising, that from 



CHAP, thenceforth they would Uve in such sort, that they would 
never hereafter give occasion of offence in any thing con- 

Anno i568.cerning their bounden duty, as well towards reUgion, as 
their allegiance towards their prince. But notwithstanding 
their promises, the commissioners bound every of them in 
recognisances in the sum of an hundred marks for their ap- 
pearances from time to time, as appeared in the abovesaid 
orders. And certain punishments inflicted upon some of 
them had done so much good in the country, that the bi- 
shop hoped he should never be troubled again with the 
The dean Nowel, dean of St. Paul's, London, was a Lancashire 
pJelchesin "lan, and was now down in that country; who, with his 
Lancashire, continual preaching in divers places in the county, had 
brought many obstinate and wilful people unto conformity 
and obedience, and had gotten great commendation and 
praise (as he was most worthy) even of those that had been 
great enemies to his religion. The bishop occasionally re- 
lating this to the secretary, beseeched him to be a means to 
the queen's majesty and to her honourable council, to give 
him thanks for this his great pains taken among his coun- 
Discoveries Rut uow to Set down particularly what had been de- 
thrplpistf tected and discovered among these Lancashire papists, and 
in Lanca- t^e negligence or loathness of the bishop to prosecute them. 
Information was brought in to the bishop by one Mr. Gla- 
sier, a commissioner, and another, named Edmund Ashton, 
that great confederacies were then in Lancashire : and that 
sundry papists were there lurking, who had stirred divers 
gentlemen to their faction, and sworn them together, not 
to come to the church in the service-time, now set forth by 
the queen's authority, nor to receive the communion, nor to 
hear sei-mons ; but to maintain the mass and papistry. And 
after this information, Glasier advised the bishop to go to 
the earl of Darby, and to execute the commission in Lanca- 
shire; or else it could not be holpen, but many church 
doors must be shut up, and the curates hindered to serve 
as it was appointed to be used in the church. And that 


this confederacy was so great, that it would grow to a com- CHAP. 
motion or rebellion. The bishop hereupon sent for those 

offenders by precept, but declined to go yet to execute the Anno ises. 
commission in Lancashire. 

Again, sir Edward Fytton informed the bishop, that Mr. Danger of a 
Edmund Trafford spake of these matters before to him as ti,ere. 
a commissioner, for to have redress thereof. Whereupon 
Mr. Gerrard said, that if the bishop would not go to Wygan 
in Lancashire, or such like place, and sit to execute the com- 
mission, and move the earl of Darby to be there, (who had 
assured them he would sit and assist,) he knew that a com- 
motion would ensue ; and that he knew their determination 
was thereunto: for that his kinsman and alliance, to his re- 548 
raembrance, (naming Mr. Westby,) had told him, he xaoidd 
•willingly lose his blood in these matters. Also he said further, 
that from ^Varrington all along the seacoasts in Lanca- 
shire, the gentlemen (except Mr. Butler) were of the fac- 
tion, and withdrew themselves from religion; as Mr. Ire- 
land, sir William Norris, and many other more. So that 
there was such a likelihood of a rebellion or commotion 
speedily, that for his part, if the bishop would not go to 
execute the commission in Lancashire, he would himself 
within twelve days inform the privy council. And yet he 
had desired the bishop to deliver the commission unto him 
and Fytton to execute: but the bishop refused, saying, he 
would send for the offenders. But afterward the bishop 
and Gerrard signed precepts for divers papistical priests 
and some gentlemen, to appear before the commissioners 
concerning the premises. 

Again, one Edmund Holme made this discovery: that Some swear 
there was a letter written from Dr. Saunders [Nicolas Saun- " '^ ^°^^' 
ders, I suppose] to sir Richard Molineux and sir William 
Norris ; the copy of which letter was ready to be shewed. 
The contents of it, as it seems, were, to exhort them to 
own the pope supreme head of the chuixh ; and that they 
should swear his supremacy, and obedience to him, before 
some priest or priests appointed by his authority ; who 
should also absolve thorn that had taken any oath to the 

« 9 


CHAP, queen as supreme, or gone to church, and heard common 
, prayer. Hereupon sir Richard Mohneux did make a vow 

Anno i568.,_ijjtQ Qj^g Norice, otherwise called Butcher, otherwise called 
Fisher, of Formeby ; and unto one Peyle, otherwise called 
Pyck, (who reported that he had the pope''s authority,) that 
he would do all things according to the words of the said 
letter. And so did receive absolution at Pyck''s hand : and 
he did vow to the said Pyck, that he would take the pope 
to be the supreme head of the church. And the said Mo- 
lineux's daughters, Jane, Alice, and Anne, and his son 
John, made the like vow as their father had done. And 
then they took a corporal oath on a book. And so did 
John Mollin of the Wodde, and Robert Blundel of Inse, 
and Richard Blundel of Christby, and sir Thomas Wil- 
liamson, and sir John Dervoyne, and John Williamson. 
These were some of those popish gentlemen of Lancashire ; 
and these were their doings. But the commission ecclesias- 
tical roundly managed had pretty well reduced them, as we 
heard before. 
The sub- Jn what form the submission ran, to which these popish 
quired of gentlemen subscribed, before they made their peace, I know 
papists. jjQj. gy^ J ^j^(j |.]^jg jQQj. Q^g form offered to sir John 

Southworth of these parts (who had entertained priests, and 
absented from the church) by order of the privy council ; 
which was as followeth : 

" Whereas I sir John Southworth, knt. forgetting my 
*' duty towards God and the queen's majesty, in not con- 
*' sidering my due obedience, for the observation of the 
*' ecclesiastical laws and orders of this realm, have received 
" into my house and company, and there relieved certain 
*' priests, who have not only refused the ministry, but also 
" in my hearing have spoken against the present state of 
*' religion, established by her majesty and the states of her 
549 " realm in parhament ; and have also otherwise misbehaved 
" myself in not resorting to my parish church at connnon 
*' prayer, nor receiving the holy communion so oftentimes 
" as I ought to have done ; 

*' I do now, by these presents, most humbly and un- 


feignedly submit myself to her majesty, and am heartily CHAP. 
sorry for mine offence in this behalf, both towards God 

"and her majesty. And do further promise to her ma- Anno 1568. 

" jesty from henceforth to obey all her majesty's laws and 

" ordinances, set forth by her majesty's authority in all 

" matters of religion and orders ecclesiastical ; and to be- 

" have myself therein as becometh a good, humble, and 

" obedient subject ; and shall not impugn any of the said 

" laws and ordinances by any open speech, or by writing, 

" or act of mine own ; nor willingly suffer any such in my 

" company to offend, whom I may reasonably let or dis- 

" allow : nor shall assist, maintain, relieve, or comfort any 

" person, living out of this realm, being known to be an 

" offender against the said laws and orders now established 

" for godly religion, as is aforesaid. And in this doing, I 

" firmly trust to have her majesty my gracious and good 

" lady, as hitherto I, and all other her subjects, have mar- 

" vellously tasted of her mercy and goodness." But this 

knight refused to subscribe, any further than in that point 

of maintaining no more those disordered persons. 

Another matter discovered this year concerning the pa-Contri- 
pists was, their sending over sums of money to the priests, the Lovain- 
fled out of England, and living in Lovain, and writing ists. Paper- 
books against their native country, the queen, and the pre- 
sent constitution of the realm, and the good laws lately 
established in church and state. These that follow were 
found to be the principal contributors to the Lovainists, by 
the confession of Thomas Wilson, clerk, taken in the Tower 
of London, March 30, 1568, (the names being sent by the 
bishop of London to the secretary,) viz. Rouse of Suffolk ; 
who sent them at times 19/. The said Rouse was com- 
manded, when he came before the council, to bring with 
him a priest named Cosyn ; perhaps the same that bishop 
Gardiner, in the time of queen Mary, had put in master of 
Katharine hall in Cambridge, in the room of Dr. Sandys. 
Another of these contributors was Mr. Kytson of Suffolk, 
who sent for their use in common five marks. Another was 
Mr. Copley of Surrey ; who sent to Dr. Harding five marks, 



CHAP, and to Stapleton five marks. Another was William Roper of 
^^' Lincoln, esq. who sent to Dr. Bullock 51. I meet with the 
Anno 1568. recantation and submission of this last to the lords of the 
^m^^~ council, for his relieving with money certain persons de- 
parted the realm, and remaining out of the realm without 
the queen's licence, and who had set forth books in print 
against the queen"'s supremacy ; promising from henceforth 
to obey the queen's laws and ordinances in matters of re- 

Nor was this the first time these contributions were made. 
Marcli u. For in the year 1562 the council sent their letters to Grindal, 
bishop of London, notifying to him, how some there were 
in London that used private mass and other superstitious 
ceremonies in their houses ; and not only so, but did make 
secret collections of money, which they sent out of the 
realm to the maintenance of such as were notoriously 
known enemies to the authority of the queen and her 
550 crown. And they required him with the sheriff to take 
order for the discovery hereof in certain houses suspected. 
The see While these factors for the pope (as we have heard be- 

vacant. fore) were busy in the north, the church of York was des- 
titute of a pastor, whose influence in all those northern parts, 
being archbishop of that province, was now especially very 
Matt. Hut- necessary. Therefore Matthew Hutton, dean of York, did 
the latter end of this year (the see having been void even 
November since June last) write a letter to secretary Cecil, on purpose 
'^' to put him in remembrance, "how great need they had of 

" a good archbishop. And how it was needful that he 
" should be a teacher, because the country was ignorant; 
" a virtuous and godly man, because the country was given 
*' to sift a man's life ; a stout and courageous man in God's 
•' cause, because the country otherwise would abuse him ; 
" and yet a sober and discreet man, lest too much rigorous- 
" ness should harden the hearts of some that by fair means 
" might be mollified, &c. and such a bishop likewise as was 
*' both learned himself, and also loved learning ; that that 
** rude and blind country might be furnished with learned 
** preachers. And such a man, added the dean, was the 


"bishop of London known to be; and therefore he did CHAP. 
" wish that London were translated to York." And the * 

dean shall have his wisii, but he must stay near two years -^""o i^ss. 
for him. 

The dangerous increase of papists, and revolt to popery, The queen 
that now appeared in the north, and other parts of the f,"*^""?^^* 

^ ^ ^ _ >■ the univer- 

realm, was occasioned chiefly by the want of learned mi-sitiesto 
nisters, to fill the vacant churches, and to officiate in the re-yj^jZ '" 
spective parishes; who might be resident among them, and 
at hand to teach and preach to the people, and to inform 
their great ignorance in true religion, and to shew them the 
superstitions and errors of popery, and the many aberrations 
therein from the holy sci'iptures, and the doctrine of the an- 
cient church of Christ. And this was to be done by en- 
couraging the study of divinity in the universities ; which 
was now much laid aside, since they saw partly how eccle- 
siastical places and preferments were swallowed up by lay- 
men, and how the revenues of the church had been curtailed 
and diminished ; and partly, how not the learned so much 
as the dependents upon the great men, were advanced in 
the church. Therefore it was thought advisable to revive 
the hopes of students, and to put greater numbers upon 
fitting themselves, by suitable learning, to enter into holy 
orders. And for this purpose, the queen sent a kind letter 
to the high chancellor of Cambridge, sir William Cecil, (and 
the like very probably she did to the chancellor of Oxford 
too,) which he forthwith sent to his vice-chancellor, Dr. Dr. Perne. 
Perne. The purport of the queen's letter was her care of 
learning, and how she stood especially aff'ected towards those 
that studied divinity ; and what she would have done in that 
business, and the promise of some special favours to be 
granted them : which was, " That such as were well learned 
" in the knowledge of divine things, and should be com- 
" mended to her for such by the university, she would from 
" time to time take care of, and see them preferred to places 
" in the church, both of wealth and honour ; and that ac- 
" cording to their merits. And that she would allow ho- 551 
'• norary salaries to the acute and hopeful youth, for tlieir 



CHAP. " maintenance in their studies there. And that she would 
" prefer none but such as either the bishops or the univer- 

Anno 1568. a gj^y should recommend to her by their testimonials." The 
benefit hereof was this ; that whereas before, it was not learn- 
ing so much made way to preferment, as ambition, and soli- 
citing and waiting upon noblemen, and depending upon 
the interest of the great ones of the court; the art alone 
wherein the university (skilful in all other arts and sciences) 
was ignorant and unacquainted with. Whereby it came to 
pass, that as any was most addicted to study, so he was 
most out of the way of preferment. But now (as the vice- 
chancellor wrote to the chancellor) by this singular benefit 
so voluntarily offered by the queen, there would be no fur- 
ther cause for scholars to be solicitous either for livelihoods 
or rewards, when she had taken all that care for them upon 
herself. And the chancellor in his letter had promised 
them, that he himself would further and improve (as occa- 
sion served) what was now so well begun. 

How joy- The vice-chancellor answered the chancellor at large, sig- 

sented by i^ifying the great joy the university took at the royal letter. 

the univer- Por by this the university came to enioy that which they 

sity of Cam- -^ J J J J 

bridge. never before could hope for or expect. And he doubted 
not, but the studies of some, quenched and discouraged by 
the miserable tossings and frequent changes of the times, 
which the university had felt, might now easily be erected 
and inflamed, since so great rewards were propounded. 

The vice-chancellor also acquainted the chancellor what 
he had done upon the receipt of his letters, together with 
the queen's, viz. that he had read them before all the heads 
of the colleges ; who had communicated them to their several 
houses. Whereat all conceived exceeding joy, and they 
openly confessed, that neither in their nor their fathers'* me- 
mories any such thing happened from the benevolence of 
princes, which might compare with the profit and greatness 
of this. And now all in the colleges were like cheerfully to 
betake themselves to the study of divinity. And he took 
order, that the heads of every college should make choice of 
such as should study divinity, and writing down their names 


and degrees, to send them to him, the vice-chancellor ; which CHAP, 
he accordingly sent to the chancellor. He told the ohan- ^^' 
cellor, that he hoped in a short time there should be bred up Anno i568. 
many divines ; and that many would leave the study of law 
and physic, and give themselves to divinity ; and many that 
stuck to philosophy, would not any longer wear out them- 
selves in those speculations, but hasten to theology. And 
he assured the chancellor, that never was there a greater 
number of learned youth there, nor with more commenda- 
tion now plied their books ; and wanted nothing but time 
and maturity to perfect them in learning. And therefore it 
was to be wished, that they might not be forced (as formerly) 
to forsake the university, and break off their studies, either 
for want of maintenance, or being tempted (as many were) 
by some present little advantage to depart. Against which 
pest of good learning the queen''s letters applied an effectual 
remedy. The vice-chancellor's letter upon so remarkable 
an occasion may be read in the Appendix. Number 


The queen, of her grace, when she admitted any to the c c « 
small bishoprics, usually granted them commendams withal, Bishop of 
to enable them to live in port agreeable to their calling. Chester's 
And yet she granted those commendams wanly, but for dams, 
some years, as shewing perhaps that she favoured not plura- 
lities. Thus it was with the bishopric of Chester. Down- Downham's 
ham, the present bishop, had commendams to endure seven dam™*" 
years for two benefices, (as his next successor Chaderton 
held the wardenship of Manchester in commendam,) which 
were near expiring this year. But finding he could not sub- 
sist without the continuance of them, in the month of No- 
vember he applied to the secretary, (at whose hands he had 
always found favour,) acquainting him, that if the queen 
were not a good and gracious lady to him, to grant him a 
longer term in his commendam, it would turn to his great 
hinderance and decay for the maintenance of hospitality. 
He beseeched him therefore, forasmuch as he had nothing 
else for the provision of his house, to be a means to her ma- 
jesty to renew his commendam for the term of his life : and 
that in so doing, he should be able to maintain the like port 


CHAP, that he had hitherto done : otherwise, he should of necessity 
be constrained to abate his household, which he would be 

Anno i.56"8. very loath to do. He added, that he had of the bishopric 
nothing but bare rent, and much of it illy paid ; and that it 
was the least revenue that any man of his calling had in the 
realm. That he paid yearly out of the same, as he was able 
to make a perfect account, above 500 marks, so that there 
were not much more than 500 marks for him to maintain 
himself and his poor family. That he kept every day to 
the number of forty persons, young and old, besides comers 
and goers ; which could not be maintained with any smaller 
portion. That he was no purchaser of lands ; that he be- 
stowed all in housekeeping ; and that he was glad to make 
even at the year's end; and yet, he thanked God, he was 
out of debt. This he wrote from his house at Chester. 
This may give us some account of that bishop and bishopric 
in those times. 
Bishop Bar- This year, in the month of August, put an end to the 
life of an ancient bishop, viz. Barlow, bishop of Chichester, 
and under king Edward VI. bishop of Bath and Wells ; a 
confessor and exile for the true religion. He had been em- 
ployed by king Henry VIII. and particularly in the great 
cause between that king and the pope about his divorce : in 
which he was so active and diligent, that he gained much fa- 
vour with the lady Anne Boleyn. And the benefice of Son- 
dridge being void, she solicited archbishop Cranmer to be- 
stow it on him : who, in compliance with her request, pre- 
sented him to Tonbridge, by a mistake of the writing, or 
of some that did the message, instead of Sondridge : which 
caused that great lady to write another letter of her own 
hand to the archbishop, shewing him the mistake ; and that 
Tonbridge was of her father's advowson, and not void, but 
Sondridge was, and of his gift. And then begging his 
grace's grant of it to the said Mr. Barlow ; " and con- 
*' sidering the pains that he had taken, she thought it 
" should be very well bestowed. And that in so doing she 
" should think herself much bound to his grace; as Hke- 
" wise for all those that had taken pains in the king's mat- 


*' ter. And that it should be her daily study to imagine all CHAP. 
" the ways she could devise to do them service and pleasure. 

" And then thanking him for his pains in writing to her ; Anno 1 568. 
" adding, that, next to the king's letter, there was nothing ^^^ 
" that could rejoice her so much.""' But both for the letter 
in behalf of this eminent man, and for tlie writer, and also 
for the great archbishop to whom it was writ, as I thought 
it worthy transcribing the whole from the original, so I think 
it worth preserving in the Appendix. G. 

The queen was this year (but at what time of it I cannot The queen 

111 1 • 1 •! ^ n n*i 1 dangerously 

tell) suddenly taken with a terrible nt oi sickness, that sick; 

threatened her life, and was brought even to the very point 

of death, in human appearance. This put the court and 

whole realm into a great consternation : and, together with 

her bodily distemper, she was under great conflicts and ter- And trou- 

n • 1 n , ■ 1 • 1 111 bled in 

rors of mind tor her sins; apprehensive, tliat she had not mind, 
been sufficiently sensible of God's singular mercies and fa- 
vours expressed towards her, and was too much elated with 
her prosperity, not performing her duty to God so much as 
she should and ought to have done, in the discharge of that 
great office he had intrusted her with ; forgetting her God, 
to whom she had made many vows, and being unthankful to 
him. This may be collected from a prayer composed for 
her, when she began to amend, by sir John Mason, a learned 
man, treasurer of her household ; wherein petition is made 
to God to heal her soul, and cure her mind, as well as her 
body. This prayer, I suppose, was used with the rest at 
the accustomed times of prayer before her. And when she 
was pretty well recovered, another prayer and thanksgiving 
was made to be used on tiiat occasion ; which was composed, 
I suppose, by the same hand, but with the correction here 
and there of Cecirs pen. Both which are very worthy pre- ^, , 

^ . , . Numbers 

serving ; and therefore I have put them into the Appendix, xxxix. 


Anno 156'8. 




Sir Henry Killigrew sent to the prince palatine about re- 
ligion. Many Jrom France and the Netherlands come 
hither, persecuted Jbr the gospel. The pope's displeasure 
thereat. God's blessing of plenty Jhr their sakes. Some 
of these prove sectaries. ReJ'use7'S of the habits in bishop 
JeweTs diocese. Dering writes against Harding. A 
Jesuit pretends himself a puritan. P?-oclamation for 
Jish-days ; and against seditious booJcs. A visitation Jbr 
survey of coats of arms. An E7iglishman takes his de- 
gree of doctor at Heidelberg. Complaints Jrom Bristol 
of their bishop. His vindication of himself. Some ac- 
count of him. 

The queen Jl5Y the view of what hath been already shewn, we see 
embassy to plainly enough, how active and stirring those of the popish 
the paitz- league, before mentioned, were, by the motions that were 
';-;-^made both here in England and in other neighbouring 
countries, threatening the overthrow of the reformed reli- 
gion. Therefore the queen was fully inclined to counte- 
nance the protestants abroad, and to assist them. And it 
happened now seasonably, that the prince palatine of the 
Rhine sent to her, to come into a defensive league with them 
of the protestant religion, and to borrow money of her for 
that cause. She took this occasion to send sir Henry Killi- 
grew her ambassador to Almaine, to the said prince, the 
paltzgrave, to give him her favourable answer to these his 

First, to understand her disposition towards entering into 
a common league with the princes protestants of Germany 
(whereof she thought him to be one of the principal) for de- 
fence of the cause of Christian religion, against the invasion 
of the pope and his party ; seeking to oppress and extirp 
Cott. libr. the same through all parts of Christendom, 
u m», • . rpj^g second matter was to move her by divers reasons, 
tending to her own particular surety, to give aid to such 
states as were now oppressed, both in France and in the 


king of Spain's Low Countries, for their consciences in the CHAP, 
cause of religion. And for that purpose to lend directly the '__ 

said paltzgrave a certain sum of money, to be employed with Auno i563. 
the service of his son, in that behalf; or else to give her own 
assurance and credit for a sum to be borrowed of certain 
merchants in High Almaine, to be named by the said paltz- 
grave. And the same money to be employed in like man- 
ner as abovesaid ; with good assurance to be made to her, 
that if she would not have the same employed for any par- 
ticular quarrel of her own, but to permit it to be employed 
in defence of the common cause of the Christian religion ; 
then to have it repaid unto her after a certain time, following 
the end of the said service. 

The protestants were now miserably harassed in France Strangers 
by their natural (may we call him ? or rather unnatural) ^""j^^'n^o"" 
king. Edicts for the free exercise of their religion broken, England. 
their ministers banished, and much blood spilt. And those 
in the Netherlands persecuted intolerably by the duke 
D'Alva, that breathed out nothing but blood and slaughter. 
Great numbers therefore of them from all parts daily fled 
over hither into the queen's dominions, for the safety of their 
lives, and liberty of their consciences ; and had hospitable 
entertainment and harbour for God's sake and the gospel's ; 
being allowed to dwell peaceably, and follow their callings 
without molestation, in Norwich, Colchester, Sandwich, Can- 
terbury, Maidstone, Southampton, London, and Southwark, 
and elsewhere. 

The pope took upon him, in his bull, (which we shall The queen 
hear of the next year,) to charge the queen, among other his for harbour- 
accusations, for these poor strangers, in these slanderous '"g them, 
words, viz. That all such as were the worst of the people re- 
sorted hither, and were by her received into safe protection ; 
meaning the poor exiles of Flanders and France, and other 
countries ; who either lost or left behind them all they had, 
goods, lands, and houses: " Not for adulteiy, (as one that Jewel's 
" answered the said bull said well,) or theft, or treason, butthrpope's 
" for the profession of the gospel. It pleased God here ''"''• 
" to cast them on land. The queen of her gracious pity 



granted them harbour. Is it become a heinous thing to 
shew mercy ? God willed the children of Israel to love 
Anno 1568." the Stranger, because they were strangers in the land of 
653 " Egypt. He that sheweth mercy shall find mercy. But 
*' what was the number of such who came in unto us ? Three 
" or four thousand. Thanks be to God, this realm (said 
" the same right reverend writer) is able to receive them, if 
" the number be greater. And why may not queen Eliza- 
" beth receive a few afflicted members of Christ, which are 
" compelled to carry his cross .'' Whom when he thought 
" good to bring safely by the dangers of the sea, and to set 
" in at our havens, should we cruelly have driven them back 
" again, or drowned them, or hanged them, or starved them.'* 
" Would the vicar of Christ give this counsel ? Or if a king 
*' receive such, and give them succour, must he therefore 
" be deprived .'' They are our brethren ; they live not idly : 
*' if they take houses of us, they pay rent for them. They 
*' hold not our grounds, but by making due recompence. 
*' They beg not in our streets, nor crave any thing at our 
*' hands, but to breathe our air, and to see our sun. They 
" labour truly ; they live sparefully ; they are good exam- 
" pies of virtue, travail, faith, and patience. The towns in 
*' which they abide are happy ; for God doth follow them 
" with his blessings." 

And then a comparison was made between the Spaniard- 
strangers under the late queen Mary, and the protestant- 
strangers under this queen. " You may remember (added 
*' he) what other strangers arrived within these parts not 
" long sithence. These are few ; they were many. These 
" are poor and miserable ; they were lofty and proud. These 
" are naked ; they were armed. These are spoiled by others; 
*' they came to spoil us. These are driven from their coun- 
" try; they came to drive us from our country. These 
*' came to save their lives ; they came to have our lives. 
" The difference is great between these strangers. If we 
" were content to bear them then, let it not grieve us now 
" to bear these." 
God's bless. This year flesh, fish, wheat, and other provisions, bore a 

ing on ac- 

and these 


very cheap price; and that which gave a greater remark to CHAP, 
this favourable providence of God to the nation was, tliat . 

this happened contrary to all men''s expectations : for all had *^""o i^^^- 
feared, but a little before, a great dearth. This was esteemed l^l'^ ^ 
such considerable news in England, that Parkhurst, bishop 
of Norwich, in his correspondence with the divines of Hel- 
vetia, wrote it to Gualter his friend, one of the chief mi- 
nisters of Zurich ; and added, that he was persuaded, and 
so were others, that this blessing from God happened by 
reason of the godly exiles, who were hither fled for their re- 
ligion, and here kindly harboured : whereby in their strait 
circumstances they might provide at a cheaper rate for them- 
selves and their famiHes. 

But with these came over anabaptists also and sectaries, Sectaries 
holding heretical and ill opinions ; and some also suspected 
to be guilty of horrible crimes, as of rebellions, murders, 
and robberies. And all took shelter here, under the pre- 
tence that they might have the free exercise of the Christian 
religion, according to the profession and practice thereof in 
this realm. This gave occasion to many to reproach the - 
government, as though it were an harbour to all sorts of he- 
resies. And indeed several opinions and doctrines sprung 
from some of these foreigners, began now, if not before, to 55o 
be dispersed in the nation, dangerous to the established 
orthodox religion, and the civil government. Wherefore 
orders were issued out from above to the archbishop of 
Canterbury, and from him to all the bishops, to make a 
careful inquisition in their several jurisdictions who and 
what these strangers were, to what churches they repaired, 
and after what manner they lived ; and to make registers 
of them. 

But of these men that fled over hither for religion, many, Contribu- 
it must be acknowledged, were very pious and sober, and i, j^j,g jj;_ 
some very learned too. Of their wants this year compassion shops to the 

. . exiles. 

was had among the bishops. And I find bishop Jewel, 
May 3, sending up to the archbishop 31. 6s. Sd. for the use 
of the poor exiles, for his part. 


CHAP. In his letter then wrote to the archbishop he signified, 
^^^' that one or two of his clergy had lately grown squeamish^ 

Anno 1568. as he expressed it, touching the apparel, but that one of 
Some in them he had reformed. To the other he had given a copy, 
el's dfo-* with licence to go further from him. His Apology was now 
cese scruple j^^^,}^ talked of to be printed again in Latin ; which the bi- 

the apparel. . p , ■, 

His Apo- shop hearing of, and knowing well what false grammar, and 
'°sy- false doctrine too, the English printers nowadays, when 

they ventured on Latin, made the authors guilty of, be- 
seeched the said archbishop to give strait orders, that the 
Latin Apology might not be printed again in any case, before 
his grace, or some other, had well perused it. " I am afraid,'"" 
said he, " of printers : their tyranny is terrible." 
Bering puts Edward Bering, a puritan, in the beginning of the year, 
against shewed his parts in a book against Harding, entitled, A 
Harding, sparing restraint of many lavish untruths^ tvhich Mr. D. 
Harding doth challenge in the first article of my lord of 
Sarisbury''s reply: dating it from Christ's college, Cam- 
bridge, April 2d, and dedicating it to his countryman 
Thomas Wotton, a person then of great learning and reli- 
gion, as well as wealth, in Kent. 
A Jesuit The extraordinary craft and diligence of the papists to 

*'^retrn(ied° overthrow the reformed rehgion planted in England, ap- 
himseifa peared by a remarkable instance that fell out this year, 
pun an. 'pjjeij. great project which they drove on to effect this was, 
to blow up and inflame our divisions as much as they could. 
And for this purpose, some of the craftiest of them shrouded 
themselves under the cloak of puritan ministers. This year 
one of these was discovered and taken, named Thomas 
Heth, brother to Nicolas, late archbishop of York, and lord 
chancellor under queen Mary. He was sent over by the 
Jesuits, being himself one of that order, with instructions 
to pretend himself a preacher of the purer religion. He 
had an old budget full of erroneous doctrines to disseminate 
here, as those of David George, Theodoras Sartor, John 
Hutz, foreign anabaptists, Arians, and enthusiasts. And 
these doctrines he was warily to mix with those of the puri- 


tans. This man, after six years preaching up and down CHAP, 
the country, applied himself to the dean of Rochester, as a_Jf^ 
poor minister, desiring some preferment. The dean gave Anno isss. 
him a turn of preaching in that cathedral. In his sermon he 
had some strokes that looked towards puritanism : for he 
said concerning the prayers that were made for Peter by the 557 
church without ceasing, (which was his text,) that they were 
not such prayers as were then used by the church of Eng- 
land. By hap, in the pulpit he let fall out of his pocket^'a 
letter writ to him, under the name of Thomas Fine, from 
one Malt, an eminent English Jesuit in Madrid ; which con- 
tmned directions how he should manage himself in his 
mission. This, letter being taken up by the sexton, and 
brought to Gest, the bishop, he examined him, and made 
so close an use of this letter, that he made him confess him- 
self at length a Jesuit. Though at first he pretended, that 
though he had been a Jesuit, he was fallen off from that 
order ; that indeed he was not so wholly of the episcopal 
party, but laboured to refine protestants, and to take off all 
smacks of ceremonies that did in the least tend towards the 
Romish faith. 

After this, they searched his chamber ; where, in his boots. What was 
were found beads, a licence from the Jesuits, a bull from ^°""'' '" ^'^ 
Puis V. to preach what doctrine that society pleased, for the ' """ ''' 
dividing of protestants, and particularly naming the English 
protestants ; and in his trunk several books against infant 
baptism ; and divers other dangerous papers, stuffed with 
blasphemies, were seized. In the month of November he 
had his sentence from the bishop, and stood in the pillory His punish- 
three several days at Rochester, his ears cut off, and his nose "''"*• 
sht, and his forehead branded with the letter R, and con- 
demned to perjjetual imprisonment. He died a few months 
after, not without suspicion of poisoning himself. All this Foxes and 
was taken out of the register of the see of Rochester. Firebrands, 

A proclamation was this year issued out for eating fish on 7rlu 


lish-days, and particularly on Wednesday in every week ; *'°" ^'"" 
enjoined by act of parliament in the fifth of the queen 'Says; 
which was not over-well regarded in most parts of the 



CHAP, realm. But beinoj esteemed a law much tendina; to the be- 

nefit of the commonwealth, the queen, by proclamation, 

Anno 1568. June 24, charged her subjects to have due regard to the 
ordinance of that act for the keeping of those fish-days, 
upon pains that might follow. And the justices were re- 
quired to inquire and look after, and punish the offenders in 
that behalf. 

And against Xhe English papists abroad, followino; counsels now taken 

seditious _ 1 1 , n ,1 

books. at Kome, plotted by all means to overthrow the government, 
and to sour the minds of the subjects against the queen, 
and the religion established ; and now especially, when a re- 
bellion was hatching, which brake out the next year. And, 
among other courses taken for this purpose, many books 
were now written and conveyed over hither, in favour of 
the pope*'s supremacy and the Romish religion ; and per- 
sons were gotten to disperse them about among the people. 
Therefore a proclamation was sent ovit, March 1st, for re- 
straining and seizing these seditious books. It set forth, 
" How divers books were made, or translated, by certain of 
" the queen''s subjects, remaining on the other side of the 
" sea without licence, containing sundry matters repugnant , 
" to truth, derogatory to the sovereign state of her majesty, I 
" impugning the orders and rites established by law for 
" Christian religion and divine service in th^ realm, and 
" stirring and nourishing sedition. And that these books 
" were in secret sort dispersed by malicious persons, to the 
558 " intent to draw the people into error, and withdraw them 
" from their duties and allegiance due to her majesty, as 
*' their only sovereign. Therefoi'e she charged all persons 
" to forbear using or dealing with any such books ; and that 
" such as had any of them should present them, within 
" twenty-eight days after the publishing this proclamation, 
" to the bishop of the diocese, or ordinary of the place, and 
" receive of him a testimonial of the time of the delivery 
" thereof. And that without express licence in writing of 
" the said bishop or ordinary, or some archbishop of the 
" realm, not to keep or read any such book, upon pain of 
"the queen's grievous indignation."" 


This was not the first time this sort of books had been CHAP. 
taken notice of. For somewhat before this time, some ex- 

amples were made in the star-chamber, for correction of Anno 1 568. 
certain persons that were found faulty in dispersing, buy- 1^"",^^''"^^"* 
ing, and allowing of such seditious books. This also that chamber 
follows had a tendency to good order in the realm, viz. books.' 

The queen consulting for the honour of her nobility and a comiois- 
sentrv, thoug-ht fit now to aive her letters patents to Robert ^'*'" *° ^^^' 

o J ^ o ... . renceux to 

Cook Clarenceux, to make a visitation for survey of arms in take a sur- 
the east, west, and south parts of the realm. The reason ^'^^° ^""^' 
whereof the queen assigned was, that due order might be 
kept in all things touching the offices and duties appertain- 
ing to arms ; and for the reformation of divers abuses grow- 
ing for want of ordinary visitations and surveys. And that 
the nobility of the realm might be preserved in every de- 
gree ; and that every person, and all bodies politic, might 
be better known in their estate, degree, and mystery, with- 
out confusion. And therefore she gave Clarenceux power 
to enter into all churches, castles, and houses, to peruse, 
take knowledge, and survey all manner of coats, cogni- 
zances, crests, &c. with the notes of their descents, pedi- 
grees, marriages; and to enter them into a register or book 
of arms, as was prescribed in the office and oath taken by 
Clarenceux at his creation and coronation. Also, to cor- 
rect, control, or reform all manner of arms, &c. unlawfully 
usurped by any, and the same to reverse, pull down, &c. 
as well in coat-armour, &c. as in plate, jewels, paper, win- 
dows, grave-stones, &c. Also, to reprove, control, and 
make infamous by proclamation at the assizes, or other 
place, all manner of persons, that unlawfully, and without 
just authority, took upon them any title of honour or dig- 
nity, as esquire or gentleman. Also, to reform and control 
such as at any funerals should wear any mourning apparel, 
as gowns, hoods, tippets, contrary to the order limited in 
the time of king Henry VII. in any other sort than to their 
states did appertain. Also, by these letters the queen or- 
dered, that no painter, glazier, goldsmith, &c. should take 
upon him to paint, grave, glaze, &c. any arms, crests, cogni- 

T 2 


CHAP, zances, &c. pertaining to the office of arms, in any other 
^^^' manner than they might lawfully do, and be allowed by 

Anno 1568. the Said Clarenceux. Also, she forbade any sheriffs, com- 
missioners, archdeacons, officials, scriveners, &c. to call, 
name, or write, in any assize, court, session, &c. or to use 
in any writing the addition of esquire or gentleman, unless 
they were able to stand unto and justify the same by the 
5 59 law of arms, or were ascertained thereof by Clarenceux in 
writing, or by his deputies. Also, that none should meddle 
in any thing touching the office of arms, within Clarenceux''s 
province, but by his special hcence and authority in writing 
under the seal of the said office. And the queen by these 
her letters patents did give to the said Cook all his said 
power, preeminence, jurisdiction, and authority, during his 
natural life, in as large and ample manner and form in every 
thing, as his predecessors had or might do, by force of any 
letters patents, granted by any of the queen's predecessors. 
And all justices, sheriffs, majors, &c. were charged to em- 
ploy their best aid, assistance, and furtherance, to the said 
An English In the university of Heidelberg, where Zanchy was chief, 
goes out an Englishman this year took his doctor's degree. He 
doctor at offered theses to be disputed on to Boquinus, the pro- 

Heidelberg. . . . 

fessor, concerning which long disputes had been in Eng- 
Zanchy, land; some (according as Zanchy relates this matter to 
HubTrto, Hubert) affirming certain rites were free and indifferent, 
int. epist. ^y^^ gQj^g saying on the contrary, that they were supersti- 
tious. In which opinion was this Englishman. But when 
Zanchy had read the theses, he advised Boquin, that he 
should not permit these things to be disputed in their schools, 
at that time especially, and gave him some reasons why. 
Boquin approved his judgment: and the Englishman was 
bid to propound other theses; which he did. And among 
these, certain of them were, of the necessity of ecclesiastical 
discipline, and chiefly of excommunication. These, when 
Zanchy read them, seemed to him not only "godly, (though 
two of them were concerning garments, yet more moderately 
propounded than the former were, however, on that account 


not so much approved by him,) but such which he never CHAP. 
thought, as he said, would be seriously opposed by any ' 

pious or tolerably learned man. But the question of dis- Anno i568. 
cipline gave occasion to some pastors to dispute earnestly 
against it. The disputations pro and con grew somewhat 
hot, and the disputants' minds were a little inflamed ; yet 
the disputation was tolerable and modest, and without re- 
proaches. But at last, after a second day's dispute, one of 
the pastors protested, that he condemned this doctrine as 
thwarting the word of God. After the disputation, the ad- 
versaries of discipline began to write against it, and to dis- 
perse their writings ; and in one above the rest was asserted, 
that excommunication could not he proved either by the Old 
or New Testament, and that none ought to be driven from 
the sacrament, no, not the most wicked and impenitent per- 
son, unless of a different judgment. Those that were for 
discipline wrote nothing all this while, for this reason, be- 
cause they would not make disturbance in the churches, 
and because they expected the prince elector (who was for 
discipline himself) would constitute something herein. And 
all this was occasioned by this Englishman's disputation. 

Cheny, bishop of Gloucester, who also held Bristol in citizens 
commendam, had given great offence to the citizens of^ompja-"' 
Bristol, by his sermons preached at the cathedral there; and^^ t^eir 
particularly three sermons preached in August and Septem- ^'* "''" 
ber this year, in vindication of himself: which some of the 
preachers there took the confidence to confute in their pul-560 
pits. And one of these that did this was Dr. Calf hill, in two 
sermons preached in the same cathedral, the bishop present 
to hear himself disproved ; and one Norbrook, a preacher 
here, was another. And this was not all, but certain alder- Octobei 21. 
men and other citizens, in a letter to the lords of the coun- 
cil, complained of him ; sending divers articles enclosed, of 
erroneous expressions and doctrines, collected out of those 
his sermons preached among them, as they had also sent 
them to the ecclesiastical commission. Of which this is the 
transcript, as I found them in the original papers. 




Anno 1568. 
and expres- 
sions in the 

New writ- 





I. " I am come, good people, not to recant, or call back 
any thing that I have heretofore said : for I am of that 
mind now as I was then, as concerning matters in contro- 
versy ; and will be to the end. If I had one foot in the 
grave, and another upon the ground, I would say then as 
I do now. And therefore, good people, I give you that 
counsel that I follow myself. Wherefore be not too 
swift or hasty to credit these new writers, for they are not 
yet thoroughly tried and approved, as the cathoUc fa- 
thers are. 

II. " These new writers in matters of controversy, as 
Mr. Calvin and others, agree not together, but are at dis- 
sension among themselves, and are together by the ears. 
Therefore take heed of them. Yet read them : for in 
opening the text they do pass many of the old fathers. 
And they are excellently well learned in the tongues: 
but in matters now in controversy follow them not, but 
follow the old fathers and doctors, although Mr. Calvin 
denieth some of them. As for your new doctors, it is 
good to pick a sallet out of them now and then. 

III. " Scriptures^ scriptures, do you cry .'' Be not too 
hasty: for so the heretics always cried; and had the 
scriptures. I would ask this question ; I have to do with 
an heretic; I bring scripture against him; and he will 
confess it to be scripture. But he will deny the sense that 
I bring it for. How now ? how shall this be tried ? Marry, 
by consent of fathers only, and not by others. 

IV. " In reading the scriptures, be you like the snail ; 
which is a goodly figure : for when he feeleth a hard 
thing against his horns, he pulleth them in again ; so do 
you : read scripture a God''s name ; but when you come 
to matters of controversy, go back again ; pull in your 

V. " I never hrou^t Jree-will into the pulpit. I would 
to God it had never been brought into that place. Luther 
wrote a very ill book against free-will ; wherein he did 
very much hurt. But Erasmus answered him very 


" learnedly. So that I am not of Luther'^s opinion therein, CHAP. 
" but of Erasmus's mind. L_ 

VI. " They which of long time have been exercised in '^"°" ^^^^• 
" prayer and study, and are aged, cannot be easily ignorant 

" or err, or be deceived, or be without grace. Now these 
" young men, which are of a lower vein, having not the use 
" of long prayer and study, be not men perfect, as they 
" seem ; nor have such grace. 

VII. " These matters now in controversy are as it were 56 1 
" in an equal pair of balances, and may weigh which way 

" they shall as yet. 

VIII. " Let them not say, as here of late was preached. Fathers. 
" that the fathers had their faults ; which they had indeed : 

" but let them all bi'ing me the consent of fathers in these 
*' matters now in controversy, or otherwise I shall not, nor 
" will yield to them, nor be of their judgment. 

IX. " A question may be asked concerning the young 
" maid and Naaman ; whether that a godly man may be at 
" idol-service with his body, his heart being with God, with- 
" out offence or sin ? I say, you may, without offence or sin. 
" And because you shall not think that I am of this opi- 

" nion only, I will bring you Peter Martyr, a learned man, P*^*^'" M^""- 

" and as famous as ever was in our time, being your own 

" doctor: who saith, a man may be present without offence. 

*' Whose very words I will read unto you ; which are these : 

" Non enim simpliciter et omnibus modis interdictum est 

" piis hominibus^ ne hijlinis prcBsentes adsint, dum prqfani 

" ct execrandi ritus exercentur ^ [This he seems to say, 

to take off an accusation laid against him by some, that he 

was present at mass in the last reign.] 

X. " Some among you find great fault with me, and are 
" offended, as I perceive, at my preaching; and you do 
" murmur, I must out of doubt call back something that I 
*' have preached. Indeed, I said here, that Naaman gave to 
" Gehazi ten thousand suits of apparel, where it was but two 
" suits. That I call back again. Another is, that I said in this 
*' place, if any were offended or grieved with any thing I 
" should preach, he should come friendly to mc, and I 

T 4 


CHAP. " would reason with him. Among all, a poor man of late 
^^^' " came to me, being offended with my preaching, to reason 

Anno 1568. « with me, and I refused him. And that I call back. But 
" for any other thing that I have preached, I say now as I 
" did then ; and so I will do to the end. 

XI. " Good people, I must now depart shordy. Keep there- 
" fore this lesson with you. Believe not, neither follow this 
Catholic « city, nor yet 2, 3, 4,5, 6, 7 ; but follow you the catholic and 
" universal consent. For if you will go but to the river of 
*' Rhine in Germany, and behold the cities, how they differ, 
" and are at contention among themselves, you will won- 
" der. At Helvetia is one religion ; at Wirtenberg another ; 
" at Strausborough another ; and at Geneva is another. So 
" that there were never so many religions and errors in any 
" menu's time, as are now among them." 
The bishop These were the informations sent up to the privy council 
the^secre- against the bishop, together with a letter signed by two 
tary in his aldermen, the two sheriffs, the chamberlain, a schoolmaster, 
and about thirty more. But before they were sent, the bi- 
shop, by some of his friends in Bristol, (whereof he had 
many,) understanding the intention of his adversaries, pre- 
October 7. vented them by despatching from Gloucester two letters to 
October 15. the secretary, who bare him a good-will, because of his 
learning and old acquaintance. To him he related his case, 
and the matters lately fallen out between him and some 
562 preachers in the said city ; apologizing for the sermons he 
had made. The substance of what he writ was as foUoweth. 
That he had been lately at Bristol, and preached three 
sermons there, which (as he heard) many well liked; but 
some (quibus nihil placet nisi novicm et nimium, as Philo- 
nius said) were grieved, and kept a great stir in the pulpit. 
And one Norbrook, among others that were against him, 
(one more earnest than skilful,) he had gently used ; often- 
times caUing him to his table, and talking with him pri- 
vately. But what he had spoke to him in private, he ut- 
tered to Dr. Cawfield, or Calfhil : who twice, in his own 
hearing, confuted what was brought to him, a great deal 
more than needed ; using therein the new-coined phrase of 


Jree-ivillers. The bishop added, that he could better have CHAP. 
liked that doctor's preaching, if he, the said doctor, had first ^^^' 

conferred with him; especially since he had not dealt un- Anno lass. 
eently with him at his first coming, but offered him to take ^'^"^ '^'' 

1111 11 • shop's (leal- 

such as he had every meal, so long as he could tarry m the ing with 

city. He offered him conference also after his first sermon. PVi^'^T 

•z _ _ held, who 

He bade him to supper after his second : but he could not preached 
have his company. And if he had come, he should perad- bfm."^ 
venture have heard from the bishop somewhat out of the 
old church, and consenting orthodox writers, that he would 
not much have misliked : which writers proved by the scrij> 
tures, that which he by other scriptures, not unknown to 
them, confuted. And that which he confuted was thought 
by them to be dog-ma ecclesice et- veritat'is, i. e. a doctrine of 
the church and of truth ; and so, he said, it was termed of 
some. That they saw great causes why they so wrote, as 
men of this time wanted not theirs. Whether sort ought to 
be believed, however others doubted, he doubted not at all. 

What articles his unquiet and uncharitable adversaries 
might have gathered against him, and were offered, as was 
told him, to the queen's council, he knew not, but his con- 
science was clear ; and that that poor learning he had ut- 
tered, being indifferently heard and considered, he trusted, 
would not be much misliked. If he were persuaded that he 
had preached any thing against scripture, against the holy 
catholic church, against orthodox writers consenting, against 
the best general councils ; it should be his first deed that he 
would do, to ride to Bristol, (although at present he were not 
well able to ride,) and there he would humbly acknowledge 
his error. But if he by Norbrook and his adherents was 
falsely accused, and that he was able to prove what he had 
said by such learning as was before rehearsed, Norbrook 
should perceive he had not done well : who had lost already 
a number of his friends through his late misbehaviour. 

That it was well perceived, (as the bishop proceeded,) 
and more and more it was spoken, that young and rash 
preachers did more hinder the free course of the gospel 
tlian further it ; the more was the pity. That he was coun- 


CHAP, selled by some well seen in the laws of the realm, to com- 
Lll • • 

■ _ mence an action agamst Norbrook and his adherents, for 

Anno i56"8. their too bad accusing him in the pulpit and other places; 
but, he said, he would end as he had begun. The accusing 
of any man had not hitherto cost him twopence in the law. 
That he loved neither to sue nor to be sued, although he 
563 had in his time met with many crooked attempts. But if 
he should prove his rash adversaries to grow in malice, he 
would trouble his friends, which, he thanked God, were 
many in number, as he knew he had many enemies, who 
said, that he was an utter enemy to the gospel of Christ. 
But he said, they spent their wind in vain that said so ; and 
he would that they should tliink, that as they favoured the 
gospel, so did he. 
That he That when such as Norbrook heard any thing they could 

the gospel, not like, they straightway hawked at their adversaries the 
terrible name of the hig-h commission. But, said he, if such 
busybodies were not punished, they would mar all. In the 
mean time they hindered, and that very much, the gospel, 
which they would be thought to favour. 

In fine, he trusted to have the continuance of the secre- 
tary's accustomed goodness towards him in the way of right. 
He was threatened to lose whatsoever he had at Bristol, if 
his adversaries might have their will. Others said lustily, 
that he should be put from all the living that he had. To 
which he only said mildly, Fiat voluntas Domini. 
Free-will Jn another letter he expressed to the secretary more par- 
real pre- ticularly what the causes were of the wilful attempts of his 
sence, his enemies, viz. free-will and the eucharist, [holding the real 

opinions. . . . , . 

presence.] Not that he had given any occasion in pulpits 
for them to stir in these matters, more than at the length in 
his third sermon at Bristol, after two sermons, or rather in- 
vectives of Dr. Cawfield, when he said, he could better like 
the judgment of Erasmus than that of Luther, in the contro- 
versy oi Jr-ee-imll ; and withal asserting, that he dissented 
not from the fathers of this realm in that article, when it was 
offered him, to be subscribed in Latin, [that is, in the synod 
I suppose, anno 1502.] 



He observed to the secretary, how oddly and unrespect- CHAP. 
fully he was used by some of his Bristol ill-willers; that at ^"- 
his return to Gloucester, one came thither, as it was thought, ^nno 1568. 
for the nonce, and in his own church there brake, at it were' ^°^'^ 
the ice; and another followed him, whose scope and chief Sc'ester 
mark was to prove, that there was no free-mil. But, said ?^fw1ii 
the bishop, they both, as also xNorbrook, a preacher at 
Bnstol before mentioned, and others, might seem not to 
have waded in the old writers, that consented in the con- 
trary doctrine; and that they followed much, if not too 
much, the learned of this time, not considering what had 
been thought and determined in the old time : that my lord 
[bishop] of Sarisbury, and others, being great learned men. Bishop of 
and well treated in antiquity, well knew what had been '^'""'^''"'•y- 
taught of this matter in the primitive church with great 
consent. Their judgment he could better like than the 
impugners of them in this time. Upon this he said further 
that if young and hot heads should be suffered to say what 
they list in matters of great weight, (as no doubt certain of 
them did very rashly, to the exceeding hinderance of the 
gospel,) there must needs ensue a Babylonical confusion 

It was reported to him, that the eari of Bedford was la- En.ieavour 
boured with by Dr. Humfrey and more, to bring those and!^ ''""^ 
other matters before the queen's most honourable council. 1-:^' 
If It were so, he said, that he trusted the truth would by ^''^'''''^' 
this occasion be better known : and that if he were strong in 564 * 
body or in purse, (as he was not,) it should be the first deed 
that he would do, to confer with the learned in this point of 
f-ee-wzll But now being not well able to journey, he should 
be very loath to be drawn to London, namely, at such men's 
suit and complaint as his adversaries were. And that if he 
were not deceived, their chief mark that they shot at was not 
free-wtll, and such like, but rather, A^oZ^r/^^,, hunc re^nare 
super nos, 1. e. We will not have this man to reign over us 
Which If they should bring to pass, they would, he said, 
lustily triumph: to which he only said, - God speed them 
" in their Avell-doing as myself" 


CHAP. And thus we have seen this bishop"*s open declaration of 

^^^' his mind concerning ^ree-z&ill. Now, for the reader's satis- 

Anno 1568. faction, (though the bishop himself hath nothing of it here but 

What the |.|-,g \^^i'q mention,) I shall insert somethino- of his opinion 

bishop s . '' _ . . 

judgment concerning the other article that rendered him so distasteful 
sacrament ^° many, namely, that of the eucharist. For which we may 
have recourse to the first synod vmder queen Mary, when 
he, with five more of king Edward"'s learned clergy, disputed 
openly there (amongst other points) against transuhstanti- 
ation : which he declared himself against, although he was 
Fox's Mar- for a real presence. He desired the convocation patiently 
^^ "^^' to hear him, trusting, he said, that he should so open the 
matter, that the verity should appear ; protesting further- 
more, that he was no obstinate nor stubborn man, but would 
be conformable to all reason ; and if by their learning they 
could answer his reasons, then he would be ruled by them, 
and say as they said. For he would, he said, be no author 
of schism, nor hold any thing contrary to the holy mother 
the church, which was Christy's spouse. Dr. Weston, the 
prolocutor, liked this preamble of Cheny's well, and com- 
mended him highly, saying, that he was a learned and a 
sober man, and well exercised in all good learning and in 
the doctors ; and finally, a man meet for his knowledge to 
dispute that common place : and bid them hear him. Then 
Cheny desired them that were present to pray two words 
with him unto God, and to say, Vincat Veritas, i. e. Let truth 
have the victory. And presently all that were present cried 
out, Vincat Veritas, Vincat Veritas. Then he began with 
Watson after this sort. You said, that Mr. Haddon was 
unmeet to dispute, because he granted not the natural and 
real presence. But I say you are much more unmeet to 
answer, because you take away the substance of the sacra- 
ment. But Watson then told him, that he had subscribed 
to the real presence, and should not go away from that. 
And after much clamour against him, he prosecuted Had- 
don''s argument, in proving that ovcrioi was a substance ; and 
added, that it was a great heresy to take away the substance 


of bread and wine after the consecration. These words I CHAP, 
leave with the reader : whereby we may conclude him not 

a papist, but a Lutheran rather, in his opinion of the Anno 1 568. 

That which I have further to add of this bishop is, that Endeavours 
his enemies laboured to remove him. But he had niany ,,i,^ ^j, f.|,i_ 
friends (as well as adversaries) who valued him. And the c'"^ster. 
bishop of Chichester being now dead, they laboured much 
to get him translated thither. But the archbishop under- 
stood it, and signified his dislike of it to the secretary. And 
the bishop himself, upon these his troubles, shewed a desire 
to be quite discharged. But the archbishop (who liked him 565 
not) told the secretary, that perhaps he meant another thing, 
viz. to obtain a reprimand to his enemies from the court. 
The last thing I have to relate of him was, that at length, 
absenting himself from a convocation, and not appearing 
upon summons of the archbishop, he was solemnly pro- 
nounced excommunicate by the same: but soon absolved, 
because his absence was affirmed by his chaplain''s oath to 
be by reason of sickness. More hath been said of him be- 
fore under the year 1562. 

Thomas Wylson, LL. D. a man of note for his learning, Dr.Wyison 
(as his two books of Logic and Rhetoric, and another of ,„'^aste/of 
LTsury, do testify,) was this year made master of St. Ka-St.Katha- 
tharine''s near the Tower. His circumstances were but 
bare, having been a sufferer in queen Mary's reign. By 
the means of the earl of Leicester (whose father the duke 
of Northumberland was his great patron) he seems to have 
obtained it of the queen. And while he was soliciting for a 
despatch, he applied also to secretary Cecil by a letter dated 
in August, which shewed his mean condition : signifying to 
him, " That he had been waiting at Hatfield (where it 
" seems the queen then was) to have his business done. 
" That he had left his letter with the earl of Leicester by 
" the queen's command, to be sent to the lord treasurer. 
" And then follows, iiiterea miser langueo inedia et pau- 
" pertate ; i. e. in the mean time I, miserable man, perish 
" with want and poverty. Begging the secretary to help 


CHAP. " him, according to his interest with the queen, and to get 
" his letter to be signed speedily," Dated from St. Ka- 

Annoi568. tharine's. 

This person deserved this preferment, as for his learning, 
and supply of his need, so for some reward of his former 

Put into the sufferings: who had once felt the miseries of the inquisi- 

atRomt°" ^^^^^ ^^ Rome for the cause of religion; as judged an he- 
retic for his book of Rhetoric, that he had printed some 
ten years before. For though that science carried his dis- 
courses away from the subject of religion, yet they found 
some strokes therein reflecting (as they interpreted) upon 

Foi. 44. b. their church. As I conjecture this for one: " Some one, 
*' talking of the general resurrection, made a large matter 
" of our blessed lady ; praising her to be so gentle, so 
" courteous, and so kind, that it were better a thousand- 
" fold to make suit to her alone, than to Christ her son."" 

Foi. 65. And again in another place of the book : " One being at 
" Rome hated harlots, wherein there is by report so great 
" plenty, as there be stars in the element." But of his tra^ 
veiling to Rome, and his being clapt up in the inquisi- 
tion, and his usage there, and his wonderful escape thence, 
take his own account of it, two years after, in the prologue 
to his second edition of his Rhetoric. The sum whereof 
was, "That two years past, at his being in Italy, [viz. 1558,] 
" he was charged in Rome town, to his great danger and 
" utter undoing, (if God's goodness had not been the 
" greater,) to have written that book of Rhetoric, and the 
" Logic also. For which he was counted an heretic ; not- 
" withstanding the absolution granted to all the realm by 
" pope Julie III. for all former offences, or practising, de- 
" vised against the holy mother church, as they called it. 
566" A strange matter, he observed, that things done in Eng- 
" land seven years before, [when he first set forth that 
" book,] and the same universally forgiven, should always 
** be laid to a man's charge in Rome. But what cannot 
" malice do ? or what will not the wilful devise, to satisfy 

" their minds for the undoing of others.'* Death was 

" present, and the torment at hand ; whereof he felt (he 


said) some smart [perhaps the rack.] That the judges CHAP. 
marvelled at his stoutness. For he had, as he added, as 
httle fear as ever he had in his hfe, when he saw those Anno i sea. 
that sought his death to be so mahciously set, to make 
such poor shifts for his readier despatch ; and to burden 
him with those back-reckonings. Whereat he took cou- 
rage, and was bold. 

"• That the judges, marvelling at this his boldness, 
thought to bring down his great heart by telling him 
plainly, that he was in further peril than whereof he was 
aware; and sought thereupon to take advantage of his 
words, and to bring him in danger by all means possible. 

Tliat after long debating with him, they willed him at 

any hand to submit himself to the holy father, and the de- 
vout college of cardinals : for otherwise there was no re- 
medy. With that, being fully purposed not to yield to any 
submission, as one that little trusted their colourable deceit, 
he was as wary as he could be, not to utter any thing for 
his own harm, for fear he should come into their danger. 
For either then he must have died, or else have denied 
both openly and shamefully the known truth of Christ 
and his gospel. And so in the end, (as he concluded 
this relation of his trouble,) by the grace of God, he was 
wonderfully delivered. Adding, that it was by plain 
force of the worthy Romans, in an enterprise heretofore 
in that sort never attempted, he being then without hope 
of life, much less of liberty." The meaning whereof was. His won- 
the prison happened to be on fire, and the poor prisoners ^"^"'^ ^^^^' 

/ rr ^ ' r r^ verance. 

all hke to be burnt, and perish. Whereupon the citizens of 
Rome by force broke open the prison doors, to let those 
detained there escape for their lives : and so Wylson with 
the rest got his liberty, and fled. 

For thus he reflected upon his deliverance : " My mind 
*' was to shew, how I have been tried for this book's sake, 
" tanquam per ignem. For indeed the prison was on fire 
" when I came out of it. And whereas I feared fire most, 
" [to be burnt as an heretic,] as who doth not fear it ? I was 
" delivered by fire and sword together. I was without all 


CHAP. " help, and without all hope, not only of liberty, but also 
____;__" of life. And God be praised, and thanks be given to him 

Anno 1568." Only, that not only hath delivered me out of the lion's 
" mouth, but also hath brought England, my dear country, 
" out of great thraldom and foreign bondage." This was 
writ December 7, 1560. This Wylson was afterwards pre- 
ferred to be secretary of state to the queen, after several 

567 CHAP. LIII. 

Cavallerius, Hehrexo professor at Cavihridge. The French 
protestants relieved hy the bislwps. The queen assisteth 
the protestants. The secretary vindicates her doings. 
His letter to an Italian gentleman abroad, concerning 
the religion and proceedings in England. Advices from 
abroad. Vagabonds and rogues in the north. Dr. Story 
executed. Bishop Boner dies in the Marshalsea. Boner, 
■whether a bastard. Wrong done to the archbishop of 
Yoi'Ws widozo. The queen of Scots in Tuthury castle. 
Bishop Jewel answers pope Pius his bull. And Crowley 
ansxcers the late bishop Watson''s sei'mons. Hemming's 
Postil set forth in English. History of the inquisition. 
The present happy state of the nation. 

Anno 1569. x5y the means of the learned sir Anthony Cook and sir 
Cavaiierius wiUiam Cecil was Rodolphus Cavallerius, or Cavelarius, 

made pro- i ' ' 

fessor of or Cavalier, a French protestant, (lately, as it seems, fled 
Cambrid'^'e. from his own Country,) appointed to be professor of the 
Hebrew language and learning in the university of Cam- 
bridge. And for that purpose, in May, the said university 
sent a messenger to London, to conduct him down. I find 
him waiting upon secretary Cecil, who was chancellor of 
that university, before his going, and begging his letters 
with him, or suddenly to follow him ; " committing them 
*' to the care of the bishop of London, his friend, to convey 
" them speedily after him. These letters he desired, be- 
" cause they would tend so much to the confirmation of 


" this his vocation; and that his studies and labours after- CHAP. 
" wards in the university might be both grateful and pro- 

" fitable unto all, to the glory of God, and the amplifica- Anno 1 569. 
" tion of the whole university." He also desired letters of 
safe conduct for his wife and family to be brought over 
into England. This Chevalier had been in the realm in 
king Edward's days; and, if I mistake not, was reader of 
Hebrew then in the same university. Sure I am, such fa- 
vour he had then, that, in the year 1552, a patent, dated Kins: Ed- 
August 7, at Waltham, was granted him to be denizen, and of Sales. 
also the gift of the next prebend or deanery that should 
fall void in ChristVchurch, Canterbury. Which patent 
was made in trust to sir Anthony Cook, knight, and George 
Medle, esquire, to bestow the same dignity upon him by 
their letters of collation accordingly, when the same should 
fall : and also to write to the dean and canons of the same 
church to install him. But it was not before this present 
year, January 27, that he was actually prebendary, being 
then admitted to the seventh prebend in that church. We 
shall hear of Cavallerius''s death hereafter. 

I add, that he was recommended also by the archbishop Recom- 
of Canterbury and the bishop of London to the heads of ™,g",^^g"_ 
that university, for their acceptance and choice of him for sity by the 
their Hebrew reader ; as a man formerly known to them and bishop 
in that university for his learning and skill in that Ian- °f London, 
guage, and also their experience of his good exercise of that 
his talent, to all such as were desirous to partake of the 
same. And now going to Cambridge, the said archbishop 
and bishop sent their letters of recommendation with him, 
dated from I^ambeth ; especially, understanding the good 
and godly affection that divers of their university had to 
the knowledge of the Hebrew tongue, so useful for the 
understanding of some part of the sacred scriptures, written 
originally in that language. This letter of these two great 
prelates must have a place among the originals in the Ap-N". XLI. 

This year brake out the third civil war in France be- French pro- 
tween the papists and the confederate protestants ; the pro- [^tcTEng-^ 

' vox.. I. PART 11. U land. 


CHAP, testants having undergone intolerable hardship; and not 
__beino- suffered to use their religion, according: as it was con- 

Anno i569.(Jit;ioned between the prince of Conde and the French king 
at the last peace. But the year before very many had fled 
away from their houses and dwellings, and dared not to 
come home without peril of their lives ; because the catho- 
lics placed strong garrisons in those towns that were of the 
religion. There were also horrible murders, robberies, and 
other execrable facts committed upon the persons and goods 
of the reformed. As this stirred the coals to a third civil 
war, so it caused abundance of people to flee into other 
countries, and particularly ours. Which numbers made the 
French church in London unable to relieve their neces- 
The arch- sitous countrymen. So that the case of this church, so 
moves* the overcharged, was recommended, as it seems, by the queen 
bishops, to the archbishop of Canterbury and other bishops for re- 
chapters lief. And the said archbishop recommended their case to 
for contri- ^j^g ^eaxi and chapter of Canterbury, as he had done the 

butions _ ^ '' 

towards like to Other bishops and churches the year before. And 

^"*" the dean and chapter in the month of June bestowed their 

Regist. benevolence accordingly ; as appears out of the register of 

the said dean and chapter; where this order is extant: 

" Anno 1569, June 8, agreed, that there shall be, at the 

" contemplation of the lord archbishop his grace's letters, 

" given out of the church treasury to the poor [afflicted] 

" French church in London, towards their relief, six 

" pounds, thirteen shillings, and four pence."" 

The queen The queen pitied the case of the French protestants, 

the French ^.nd laboured by her ambassador with the French king, 

P™**^**^"^* that a firm peace might be made between him and them. 

But both that king, and the Spaniard, and duke D'Alva, 

the governor of Flanders, had made a combination at 

Bayonne to root out the religion everywhere. This made 

the queen jealous of herself and her own kingdoms. And 

partly this, and partly her commiseration of the wretched 

state of the professors of the gospel in France, made her 

resolve to send over assistance to them, being excited and 

coimselled thereunto chiefly by her secretary Cecil, a man 


very cordial to the protestant interest. The prince of CHAP. 
Conde"'s agent was now at the Englisli court, and solicited 

his master''s business, and succeeded according to his mind : Anno 1569. 

and departing home, being at Plymouth, he sent a letter to The prince 

the secretary, dated June 4, wherein he acknowledged withao^enttothe 

much thanks the queen's great favour to them, and the se- s^^cretary. 

cretary's cordial mediation: " Owning, that the illustrious 569 

" prince his master, and the whole French Christian church, 

" were upon many accounts indebted to him, that with so 

" great pains and study he had forwarded with the queen 

" the business committed to him by that prince. And that 

" all whom God the Father had exercised at that time for 

" the pui'er profession of his Son, had not only their hope, 

"but even their confidence in him. And that they looked 

" upon him to be raised up by God in those daily extremi- 

" ties of the poor church, to use both his piety and his pru- 

" dence in their behalf That he for his part, as often as 

" he thought on the most Christian queen's care and good- 

" will towards the scattered and afflicted Christians, so often 

" he had an honourable and grateful remembrance of him ; 

" who seemed by the special will of God to be added to 

" the queen in those most difficult times." This was the N». XLII. 

sum of Theodore Wierus's letter. 

But this step of the queen was judged very hardly of Tlie secre- 
abroad. Therefore it was the secretary's business to spread catL^the' 
a truer and fairer account hereof than was commonly taken q"«e"'s 
up; and that both by public declarations and private let- 
ters. There is a letter of the secretary to this purpose to 
an eminent Italian, seignor Bertano, living at Rome, who An Italian 
held correspondence with the secretary. This gentleman, wrUesTo" " 
in a letter sent the latter end of the last year, had declared •'■"'• 
a great good-will to him, and especially towards the queen 
and this state, but disliked our religion, and assistance of 
foreign protestants ; matters, which had been by false Eng- 
lishmen with malice, in Italy or other countries, misrepre- 
sented. The secretary, that a better information of the 
queen and the English state might pass in Rome, gladly 
took thisopportunity of writing to this noble Italian. Which 

u 2 


CHAP, letter, because it giveth an account of religion, and of the 
______ queen*'s doings with respect to her neighbours, I shall sub- 

Aimo 1569. join. 

His letter " I have thought good to advertise your lordship of the 
lian at *" " ^ceipt of your letters, dated the of February, which 
Rome. «« came to my hands about the 26th of March, by order of 

MSS. Ceci- . . . . 

lian. " iiiy friend and yours, Mr. Briskill. For the which I 

" thank you, as containing an open declaration of your par- 
" ticular good-will to me, but especially an earnest devotion 
" in duty towards the queen's majesty and this state. And 
" though thus I think of your good mind, yet you must 
" hold me excused if I think otherwise of your judgment, 
" which you do by the said letters manifest. Not that 
" therein I mean that part of your judgment, wherein you 
" may diifer from me in some opinions of religion, wherein 
" either of us must charitably allow of the other, and yet 
"observe a mutual friendly disposition; but in that you 
" are, I see, induced, by means of the place where you are, 
" whereunto no good or true reports are brought of this 
" country, to think of us as our evil-willers are disposed of 
" malice to tax us. And herein I do the more bear with 
" the fault in your judgment of us, for that I think as- 
" suredly, we cannot do so well, nor live in that order to- 
" wards God or man, but the contrary will be thither re- 
" ported. 
570 " Thus much I have thought to inform you for the 
Informs his a amendment of your iudgment. Which being; done, or at 

jud-mentof ,, -^^ ■ . , 

the English " the least, II 1 may perceive by your letters, your ears are 
aiFairs; « ^^ ready and open to hear what we have to say for our- 
" selves, as it seemeth you are what our adversaries do, 
" then would I friendly at length by letters enter into con- 
" ference with you, to answer any thing to be objected, in 
In religion ; " respect of the manifest good-will I see in you. In the 
" mean season, I can assure you, whatsoever slanders are 
" raised of us for our errors in religion, or for our govern- 
" ment in policy towards our neighbours, this I dai*e affirm, 
" that by no common law or order established for matters 
*' of religion in this realm, we do differ from profession of 


"all the parts of the holy scriptures, of the articles of the CHAP. 
" common creed ; yea, as for external discipline, I can as- 

" sure you, our church is more replenished with ecclesias- Anno 1569. 

" tical ancient rites than was the primitive church in five 

" hundred years after Christ: insomuch as the church of 

" England is by the Germans, French, Scots, and others 

" that call themselves reformed, thought to be herein cor- 

" rupted, for retaining so much the rites of the church of 

" Rome. 

" As for the queen's majesty's dealings with the kings And to- 
*' her neighbours and brethren, certainly she hath had that ngi<^i,bour- 
** regard to pity their troubles, and to further the quieting '"? princes. 
" of their states, as she may be thought by many wise men, 
" in such a simplicity, to have overseen her own surety. 
" And whatsoever is slanderously reported of her mainte- 
" nance of any rebellion in their subjects, I can make it 
" manifest, that the same is falsely reported. For surely 
" she desireth nothing more than that both the kings were 
" at good accord with their subjects. And so shall it be 
" proved, and appear to them that may be found indif- 
" ferent beholders ; which is hard to be found in this age, 
" wherein the whole state of Christendom seemeth to be 
" divided into two parts. Whereof is the greater pity ; and 
" with all my heart I lament it, and beseech Almighty 
" God to reconcile us all to his spouse and immaculate 
" church.'' 

I will subjoin here a paper of foreign advices, chiefly re- Advices 
lating to the state of religion in France, Flanders, Spain, ^°^^l 
and Germany ; sent from Rome to secretary Cecil by Kil- cerning re- 

T ligion. 

hgrew. " 

Fuere gratissim(B literce mihi scriptce 26 Maii, et spero 
te jam rediisse domum ex Gallia. Scribuntur multa qua 
sunt Jahulosa. Omalius conjunxit suas vires ctim copiis 
fratris regis. Bipontinus conjunxit sese cum Amiralio, 
Quern Amiralium Galli aiunt esse mortuum. Sed non est 
certum, ut est mors Andelotti. Regina ex Lutetiis die 
27 Mail prqfecta est ad exercitum Jilii, comitata cardinali- 
bus Lotharingio et Borbonio. Ista omnia scribuntur ex 



CHAP. Lugduno die 7 Junii. Galli de pace nihil oninino scrihunt. 
Gain viihi videntur mag-is valere verbis quamfactis. Ego 

Anno 1569. credo illis qui d'lcunt Bipontinum cum AmiraUo cum totis 
suis viribus redituros in medium Galliam. Galli videntur 
habere spem reginam AnglicB non missuram exercitum ex 
Anglia: neque ex Germania venturum in Galliam novum, 
571 exercitum. Et sic regem posse facile vincere Bipontinum et 
Amiralium. Qucb vulgus dicit de Francfordiano conventu 
parum hactenus credo, ob cam causam quam scribis. 

Pontifex sing%dis annis consecrat infesto natalis Christi 
gladium et pileum, quos mittit alicui principi, qui illi vide- 
tur bonam operam navare rebus pontificatus. Hoc anno 

» Aibae duci. ww5?7 istu duo Albano^, quippe qui liberavit Belgium ab 
Hugojiottis, et ob bellum Jeliciter gestum adversus Ura- 

^ Aurangiae nium ^ : et cst ratio quceclam honestandi et admonendi prin- 

pnncipem. ^j^^^^g^ ^f acrius tueantur res pontijicatus. Nihil audivi de 
captis monachis, prothonotariis et inquisitoribns in navibus 
in Anglia ; verum satis crediderim id genus hominum con- 
jluere ad Belgium, quibus postponantur ipsi Belgce in gu- 
bernandis p?-ovinciis, ceu corvi ad cadaver. Seditio Maitri- 
tanorum apud Hispanos adhuc viget propter multitudiiiemy 
sed non habent unde expectent auxilia. Vulgus Hispania- 
rum non satis Jeliciter cum illis belligeratur. Opus est mi- 
liti stipendiario, qui superioi'i mense in Hispaniis conscri- 

Metuendum puto, si non Jullar, novos exercitus ex An- 
glia et Germania ituros in Galliam, si res non componun- 
tur. Galli hie negant regem accepturum conditiones pads. 
Pontifex tamen id meiuif, et publicis supplicationibus ad 
Deum Jubet rogari victoriam adversus omnes Hugonottos. 
Rex Galli(B petit a Genuensibus libertatem conscribendi pe- 
ditum in Corsica. Quid vero respondit resp. nescio. 

Rex Philippus statuit ducere in uxorem jiliam CcEsaris, 
et petit a pontijice diploma Venice propter propinquitatem 
sanguinis. Et certum est regem GallicB ducturum aliam 
Jiliam CcBsaris, et regem LusitanicB ducturum sororem re- 
gis Gallice. Ex Hispaniis scribitur de mense Maii ista 
matrimonia esse stabilita. Ex aula C(£saris scribunf, prO' 


s-pechim esse, ne Bipontini milites in reditu in Germaniam CHAP. 
excitent tumultus ; acsi nunc discederent ex Gallia^ aut ob ______ 

pacem, aut ob Franarfordiaiii conventus jussum. jB^-rie ^""o '569. 
vale; RomcE, die xviii. Jimil 69- 

As the queen and her council had a jealousy of certain Orders for 
that went about in the north, and in other parts of the na- and\o°gues 
tion, as vagabonds, beggars, gamesters, and such like, '" '^''^ 
whereof there were now great store, the lords of the coun- 
cil, in the month of March last past, had sent to the high 
sheriff of Yorkshire, to inquire after vagabonds and com- 
mon rogues, and to punish them, and to make certificate of 
the same. And now the second time, in the month of June, 
they sent a larger letter to the said sheriff and the justices 
of the peace, for the redress of, and taking order about, 
this sort of people : enjoining this course now to be taken. 
First, that distributing themselves, with the help of other 
inferior officers, to cause a strict search, and a good strong 
watch to begin on Sunday at night, about nine of the clock 
on the 10th of July, in every town, village, and parish; 
and to continue the same all the night, until four of the 
clock in the afternoon of the next day. And in that search, 
to apprehend all vagabonds, sturdy beggars, commonly 
called rogiies or Egyptians ; and also all idle, vagrant per- 
sons, having no master, nor no certainty how and whereby 
to live; and them to be imprisoned. Directions were also'572 
given for passports, to send these idle persons home to their 
own countries. That the same search should be made 
monthly until the first of November, or longer, as they 
should see cause. And these orders they were to commu- 
nicate to the officers of every corporate town. They were 
also to confer, how the statutes provided for avoiding all 
unlawful games, and especially of bowling, and maintenance 
of archery, might be speedily and roundly executed. And 
that if any of themselves were guilty hereof, to forbear for 
good example sake ; and that it would be hard for them who 
were justices to observe their oaths, if they should commit 
such open hurtful offences themselves, which ought by them in 
their sessions to be inquired of and punished. They warned, 

u 4 



Aaao 1569 


The effect 

Dr. Story 
prisoner to 

that by no lewd practices of evil disposed, crafty persons, 
passing by them in the night, by pretences of watchwords, 
or the like devices, any raising of the people were made, as 
in some corners of the realm had been attempted, but stayed 
by the wiser men. That all tales, news, spreading of un- 
lawful books, should be stayed, and sharply punished. And 
that if any of the justices should be negligent herein, the 
rest were required to advertise the queen's council thereof. 
This letter was signed by the lord keeper and many other 
great counsellors, containing these and other the like mat- 
ters at large. 

The 21st of June, that is, the day after the date of the 
former letter, the lords of the council wrote again to the 
lord lieutenant of the north, signifying that they had sent 
him the minutes of a letter written from them by the 
queen''s commandment unto divers shires within the realm, 
concerning the searching for, and punishing vagabonds, 
rogues, and other idle and disorderly persons. And they 
required his lordship to cause this order to be notified by 
his letters unto those shires that were within the compass 
of his commission, with strait charge to return their cer- 
tificates unto him of their doings, that he might signify the 
same to the council. 

This was a notable search : for it was so ordered, that it 
was made throughout the whole realm, or at least the most 
suspicious parts of it, on one and the same day. And I 
find it had this issue, (which is almost incredible,) that thir- 
teen thousand masterless men throughout the nation, first 
and last, were taken up upon this search. Which undoubt- 
edly very much brake the intended and attempted insur- 
rections this year. 

John Story, doctor of the civil and canon law, (of whose 
temper we heard something before in the queen''s first par- 
liament,) was this year seized, and brought from Antwerp, 
whither he was fled; and there followed his old malice 
against the queen and his own country, which he stirred up 
the duke of Alva to invade. And being brought to Lon- 
don, was first lodged at Mr. Wattes, archdeacon of Mid- 


dlesex's house near St. Paul's; and afterwards conveyed to CHAP, 
the Tower; and anno 1571, executed for a traitor at Ty- ^^''' 

burn. I leave other historians to relate with what craft he Anno i569. 
was caught on board an English vessel, and conveyed away ; ^"^^uted. 
and the manner of his execution, I shall only set down 
what a kind of man he was, and how deservedly the judg- 
ment of God met with him, from a memorial, which, it 
seems, John Fox gave in against him, as to his cruel per- 573 
secuting spirit, as I find in a paper written by his own 

" Story, by his confession, the chiefest cause and doer in Instances of 
" putting most of the martyrs to death. ^'^ cruelty. 

" Story caused a fagot to be cast at the face of Mr. 
" Denley, singing a psalm in the fire ; saying, he had 
" marred the fashion of an old sonsr. 

" Story scourged Thomas Green. 

*' Story coming from the burning of two, at the lord 
" mayor Mr. Curtys his table, said, that as he had despatch- 
" ed them, so he trusted within a month he should also de- 
" spatch all the rest; saying moreover, that if he were of 
" the queen's council, he would devise to torment them 
" after another sort. And there shewed the way most 
" cruel, which he would use. 

" Story at another time, coming from the burning of 
*' Richard Gibson, and there demanded of the lord mayor, 
" what he would do if the world should alter, said, if he 
" were so sick in his bed, that he could not stir without 
" hands, yet would he sit up to give sentence against an 
*' heretic, and though he knew the world would turn the 
" next day after. 

" Story was sorry [as he said in the parliament-house] 
" that they struck not at the root. 

" In summa. Story worse than Boner. 

" Yet notwithstanding. Story is made a saint at Rome ; 
" and his martyrdom printed, and set up in the English col- 
" lege there." 

Together with this man, who was sometime principal of 
Broadgates hall, Oxon, I join another of the same 




Anno 1569 

death and 

Boner said 
to be an 


Account of 
his cruel- 

hall, and his contemporary ; and as like him in savage 
fierceness against the professors of good religion as any two 
could be, viz. the said Boner, late bishop of London. 

In September died that bloody man, that had washed 
his hands in the blood of so many religious men and women 
in queen Mary's days. He was kept a prisoner in the Mar- 
shalsea for many years under an easy restraint; and was 
buried thence about September the 8th, at midnight, in St. 
George''s churchyard in Southwark, attended with some of 
his popish friends and relations. Which was ordered to be 
done at that season of the night, and in that obscurity, by 
the discretion of the bishop of London, to prevent any dis- 
turbances that might have been made by the citizens; who 
hated him mortally for having been the death of so many 
of their pastors, friends, and relations, if they should have 
seen him in the daytime carried with pomp and show to his 
burial, as many of his acquaintance had intended to do. 
He stood excommunicate many years, and took no care for 
his absolution ; and so might have been denied Christian 
burial ; but the bishop of London would not make use of 
that rigour. And of this, and to prevent false reports that 
might be carried to court of this alFair, the said bishop 
thought fit to give secretary Cecil the foregoing account. 

This man was commonly reported to be an atheist, and 
to have said secretly, that there was no such place of tor- 
ment as hell ; that he denied God, the scriptures, and any 
life after this; and that he used conjuring and witchcraft. 
This was upbraided to him in a letter by one unknown, 
upon his condemnation of Mr. Philpot. But whatsoever 
credit is to be given to all that, this that follows is matter 
of fact ; which I transcribe out of an ancient paper among 
other authentic MSS. in my custody : viz. 

Boner burnt Tliomas Tomkins's hand with a candle in a 
most horrible manner, as is evidently known. Which Tom- 
kins, before his apprehending, dwelt in Shoreditch. 

Boner put an hot burning coal into a blind man's hand ; 
and so burnt him very piteously. The said bhnd man 
dwelt in St. Thomas Apostle's. 


Boner also did beat a married man, called Mills, upon chaP. 
the buttocks. And while he did the deed, he caused one ^^^^' 
of his men to hold his head between his legs. Which man Anno iseg. 
is yet alive, and dwelleth by Creechurch. 

Boner also whipped with rods divers others in his or- 
chard, with his own hands, being in his doublet and his 
hose. Whose names are to be known. 

Among other his tyrannies, a boy came to his gate of 
eight years of age, or scarce so much, desiring to see his 
father, who then was kept in Lollard's tower : but the boy 
was gotten into Boner's house, and there whipped with rods 
in a most lamentable manner. And so being all in a gore 
blood, was carried vip to his father into Lollard's tower. 
And afterwards, being brought down again, went home ; 
and about a fortnight after, even the same day that the 
queen's majesty, that now is, came to London, the child 
died. The father of the child yet being alive ; who then 
M'as hanged in the stocks by the heels in Lollard's tower. 

Boner did also misuse a preacher, one sir Thomas Whit- 
tle, with beating of him about the face, and plucking off 
half his beard. That when he came to be burnt, his eyes 
were manifestly seen to be black with beating. 

Boner had in his prison of Lollard's tower one Angel's 
wife; (who is now a midwife;) and was brought to bed 
there : unto whom he would suffer no woman to come : 
wherefore the child perished. 

Also there was one Reynold Estland came before him 
the 12th day of July, the last year of queen Mary, who 
refused to be sworn to answer such articles as they should 
minister to him. And Boner condemned him the said 12th 
day, although they had nothing at his mouth to condemn 
him. And the 14th day of the same month he was burnt 
with six others. 

Boner kept in his stocks at Fulham one Thomas Hen- 
shaw, of nineteen years of age ; and gave him nothing but 
bread and water; and in the end whipped him in his or- 
chard. Thus far the manuscript. 

Boner is in all historians given out as a bastard, begotten i her abas- 


CHAP, of one Savage, a priest ; and so have I read it in some good 
MSB. Yet to do him and history as much right as things 

Anno 1569 will bear, I shall relate what the late honourable baron 
Lechmore hath asserted to me concerning him, being at his 
chamber in the Temple, April 11, 1695. He supposed the 
575 world had given him out begot of Savage, because of his 
savage and butcherly nature ; but that he was certainly as 
legitimately begotten as himself or any other : that he was 
born at Hanly in Worcestershire, of one Boner, an honest 
poor man, in a house called Boner''s place to this day, a 
little cottage of about five pounds a year. And that his 
great grandfather, bishop Boner's great friend and ac- 
quaintance, did purchase this place of the said bishop in 
the times under queen Elizabeth, and that he had it still in 
his possession. He added, that there was an extraordinary 
friendship between Boner and his said great grandfather ; 
insomuch, that he made leases to him of the value of lOOOZ. 
per annum, two whereof he remembered were Fering and 
Kelvedon in Essex. And that he had been told by some 
of their family, that Boner shewed this kindness to this 
gentleman out of gratitude, his father or some of the rela- 
tions putting him out to school, and giving him his educa- 
tion. But as to his birth, the baron said, he thought he 
could make it out beyond exception, that Boner was be- 
gotten in lawful wedlock. And that he had several letters 
yet in his keeping between the bishop and his great grand- 
father, but of private matters. 
Wrong The last year, viz. 1568, Yong, archbishop of York, that 

the arch- ^^^ been lord president of the north, deceased. He was a 
bishop of married man, and left a widow and children behind him. 
dow. To her by his last will and testament he left all his lands 

in the county of Salop, or elsewhere, for one and twenty 
years, if she lived so long. But they were detained from 
Mrs. Yong after the archbishop's death by one Leigh of 
Shrewsbury, whom he had joined joint purchaser with him, 
only of confidence and trust which the said archbishop had 
in him. But Leigh, contrary to the trust committed to 
him, to the great prejudice of the said widow and her chil- 


dren, retained to himself the estate of the inheritance of the CHAP, 
said lands; and since the archbishop''s death received the 

profits thereof to his own use. In this distress, such was-A-nno i569. 
the kindness of George earl of Shrewsbury, as he sent a 
letter to the secretary, who was also master of the wards 
and liveries, acquainting him with this oppression of the 
widow and the fatherless ; " and that it being a matter in Earl of 
" conscience to be weighed, and touched Mrs. Yong very bury's iet- 
" nigh, and also her son, being; the queen"'s ward, he craved ^''■■- ^^" 

1 -1 ,1 1 1 • P 111,., raids' office. 

*' at the said secretary s hands his favour and help for her 
*' and her child. And that the said Leigh might be called 
" to the court of wards, where he, the secretary, was judge, 
" to surrender up his estate and interest in the premises ; 
" and to suffer the same to go according to the testament 
" of the said archbishop, whose goods paid for the same 
" lands ; which Leigh would not, nor could deny. He 
" added, that if either this way, or any other the secretary 
" could think of, he would do this piece of justice, he, the 
*' earl, should think himself indebted to him for it." This 
letter was dated from Tutbury castle, in April 1569. 

In this castle this noble earl had Mary queen of Scots Eari of 
in custody : which, whatsoever public allowance he had, ^^rews- 

,. ... - bury's ex- 

was extraordinary expensive to him. And among other penses with 

things provided, the wine only amounted to a considerable ^f "s*^".^ ^" 
charge ; for when she bathed, she bathed in wine : where- 
fore he thought convenient to acquaint the marquis of Win- 
chester, lord treasurer, that the charges he did daily sus- 
tain, and had done all the year past, by reason of the queen ^^Q 
of Scots, were so great, that he was compelled to be a suitor 
to him, that he would have a friendly consideration of the 
necessity of his large expenses ; and that two tun of wine 
a month hitherto would not suffice ordinarily ; besides that 
was used at times for her bathing, and such like uses. And 
therefore he desired of the treasurer, that he might have a 
convenient allowance of wine without paying impost, as 
other noblemen had for their expenses in their household ; 
and that he might be considered in such large proportion 



The cause 
of detain- 
ins: her. 

in this cause as should seem good to his friendly wisdom. 

This was dated January the 15th. 

Anno 1569. Rut it is more material to relate the cause why queen 
Elizabeth did thus detain her at this great cost to herself 
and her subjects. She was the chief head of the Frenchified 
and popish Scots : by whose means the Guisian faction, 
that mortally hated the queen, and were conjured together 
to invade her kingdom, and dethrone her, and overthrow 
the religion established, did hope to obtain their ends. And 
therefore there was a necessity of keeping her in hold 
(though at first the queen did not intend it) for her own 
safety and defence ; besides the long jealousies between that 
queen and queen Elizabeth. There is a letter of hers sent 
from Tutbury castle in March to the queen ; wherein she 
doth in some places closely touch upon her in her expostu- 
lations, and even threaten her. It is too long to insert it 
N». XLIV. here ; but it will be found in the Appendix. 
Bishop Mischiefs are now hatching in England, which were 

swers pope gi*eatly fomented by a bull of pope Pius V. sent into this 
Pius's bull, realm lately, to curse the queen, and to deprive her of her 
kingdom. Rut bishop Jewel soon gave answer to it in cer- 
tain sermons by him preached in his cathedral. Which are 
printed among his works, and called, A view of a seditious 
bull. He told his congregation, that there came to his 
hands a copy of a bull lately sent into the realm by the bi- 
shop of Rome, " that he read it, and weighed it thorough- 
*' ly, and found it to be a matter of great blasphemy against 
" God, and a practice to work much unquietness, sedition, 
" and treason against our blessed and prosperous govern- 
" ment. For it deposed the queen''s majesty (whom he 
" prayed God long to preserve) from her royal seat, and 
" tore the crown from her head. It discharged all her na- 
" tural subjects from all due obedience. It armed one side 
" of them against another. It emboldened them to burn, to 
" spoil, to rob, to kill, to cut one another's throats. And 
" that it was much like Pandora's box sent to Epimetheus, 
" full of hurtful and im wholesome evils." And then the 


learned bishop and champion of the church, went on piece CHAP, 
by piece to confute it, as may be seen in his works. 

To this I shall subjoin the mention of another book set A°'^<"5^9. 
forth this year against popery. Watson, late bishop of Lin-^^^werU 
coin, had preached two sermons in Lent 1553, before queen Watson's 
Mary ; which he also printed soon after, the better to sa- mons. 
tisfy the people, now lately fallen under a popish prince, 
in two great points of the Roman religion, now setting up, 
namely, the real presence of Christ's body and blood in the 
sacrament ; and the mass to be the sacrifice of the new tes- 
tament. These two sermons received an answer in print by 
Robert Crowley, an exile under queen Mary, and late mi- 
nister of St. Peter's Poor, and St. Giles's, Cripplegate, Lon-577 
don ; but now living more retired in Southwark : bavins: 
more leisure by God's providence now, than at any time 
since his return out of Germany. The said answer bore 
this title, The setting open of the subtile sophistry of Tho- 
mas Watson, D. D. zvhich he used in his troo sermons made 
before queen Mary on the 3d and 5th Friday in Lent 1553, 
to prove the real presence, &c. There seemed to be need 
long before this to have those sermons answered ; for they 
were in great vogue among many, and had prevented their 
complying with the religion established, (as Crowley writ 
in the entrance of his book.) That he had oftentimes occa- 
sion to be in place where such were as were not yet per- 
suaded that the popish church could err, and boldly ut- 
tered their minds, affirming, that the doctrine which the 
protestants taught was erroneous and false, especially con- 
cerning the presence of Christ in the sacrament, and the 
sacrifice of the mass. And he perceived, that these had 
been chiefly persuaded and stayed by those two sermons of 
Dr. Watson. Crowley recommended this his answer to both 
the universities in a Latin dedication. There was also pre- 
fixed an epistle to Thomas Watson, D. D. the author of the 
sermons, assigning two reasons that moved him to take in 
hand his answer. One was, for the estimation he had in 
the pope's church ; which was such, that whatsoever was 
known to be of his doing, was thought to be so learnedly 


CHAP, done, that none could be found among them of the present 
church of England able to answer any part thereof. The 

Anno 1569. other was, Watson's subtile handling of the matters he 
treated of; which might easily deceive the simple readers, 
and astonish the learned that had not seen and weighed the 
places that he alleged for his purpose. The subtilty whereof 
he had laid open. 
Hemin- To these books I shall add one or two more that came forth 

translated ^"^o ^liis year 1569- One was, A Postil, or an exposition of 
comes forth, ff^g gospels that are usually read in the churches of God 
upon Sundays and feast-days of saints. Written by Nicolas 
Heming, a Dane, and preacher of the gospel in the univer- 
sity of Hafnie. It was translated into English by Arthur 
The use of Golding, a great translator in these times. These postils, 
which were practical sermons upon the epistles and gospels, 
or other portions of scripture, were now of very good use, 
for the help of the unlearned clergy in the countries about ; 
who skilled not to compose discreet and profitable dis- 
courses to be preached to their people for their edification. 
But by making use of such postils or other homilies in their 
churches, (whereof several were now printed,) the people 
might receive instruction in true religion, and have their 
great ignorance in spiritual things, and their old supersti- 
tious traditions sucked in from their fathers, redressed and 
informed. And that this was the good end in publishing 
this book, the translator signified in his epistle dedicatory 
to sir Walter Mildmay, chancellor of the exchequer, viz. 
that the two stationers, Lucas Harrison and George Bishop, 
well-minded towards godliness and true religion, took upon 
them to imprint this work at their own proper charges; 
and requested the translator to put it in English. Which 
he shewed himself the willinger to do ; for that he hoped it 
might be a furtherance and help to the simple and un- 
678 learned sort of the ministers in England. Whose knowledge 
he wished to God were as great as their number. 
Cardinal For the fame of the man, as well as the subject of the 

of Justifica- book, we must not omit the mention of a discourse that had 
tion. ]aid by many years, but set forth in print this year at Lo- 


vain in quarto. It was a treatise of Justification, found CHAP, 
among the writings of cardinal Pole, remaining in the cus- 

tody of Henry Pynning, chamberlain and general receiver Anno 1 569. 
of the said cardinal, late deceased in Lovain. Also, certain 
translations touching the said matter of justification. In the 
preface 'the noble author saith, he followeth St. Augustin. 
And it is so writ, as though he intended to publish it him- 
self; for he makes a preface to the reader. 

Now also came forth the history of the holy inquisition, And the 
entitled, A discover?/ and plain declai-ation of sundry suh- ^^^°^2m\- 
tile practices of the holy inquisition qf Spain. Set forth insition. 
Latin by Reginald Gonsalvo Montanus : translated by Vin- 
cent Skinner, a gentleman of Lincoln'^s Inn, and secretary 
to sir William Cecil, (if I mistake not.) This was a second 
edition, (the first being printed but the year before,) which 
he dedicated to Matthew, archbishop of Canterbury. In 
this edition, at the latter end, were some additions. As, 

I. A register of such persons as were burnt in Sevil in the 
years 1559, which were eighteen, and 1560, which were 
fourteen ; and the bones and pictures of two more deceased, 
all in one fire. And 1563, were six more burnt in one fire. 

II. A register of such as were executed and burnt; or 
otherwise punished by imprisonment and confiscation of their 
goods in Valladolid, anno 1559; of the former sort were 
twenty-three ; of the latter fifty-three. The design of the 
publisher was, to give the people of England warning of 
the papists, that as they would be free of most barbarous 
usages and inhuman cruelties, (which this history in part 
let them see were exercised, where the people were under 
the Roman yoke,) so they all should unanimously set them- 
selves to keep them and their religion out of our quarters. 
And that at this time especially, when there were great ap- 
prehensions of them. He shewed in his preface, how near 
us they were come with their inquisition ; it being now 
lately brought into the Low Countries with fire and sword. 
" Where was also the sudden imprisonment of honest men 
" without process of law ; where was now the pitiful wan- 



CHAP. " deriiig in exile and poverty of personages sometime rich 
^^^^' " and wealtliy, the wives hanging on their husbands' shoul- 

Annoi669." ders, and the poor banished infants on the mothers'" 
" breasts ; the monstrous racking of men without order of 
" law ; the villainous and shameless tormenting of women 
" naked, beyond all humanity ; their miserable deaths with- 
" out pity or mercy ; the most reproachful triumphing of the 
" popish synagogue over Christians, as over painlms and 
" ethnicks ; the conquering of subjects, as though they 
" were enemies ; the unsatiable spoiling of men's goods to 
" fill the side-paunches of ambitious, idle shavelings ; the 
" slender quarrels picked against kingdoms and nations."" 
And then he suggested, how the persons that thus suffered 
were our neighbours by their habitation and dwelling- 
place; our acquaintance by intercourse, our friends by 
579 long acquaintance ; of the same household of faith, and our 
very brethren in Christ. And that we also had cause to 
fear what might follow upon us. That if we thought our- 
selves sure, and the storm passed, we should foolishly and 
dangerously abuse ourselves : for who was so ignorant (as 
he proceeded) of the state of these times, that knew not, 
or had not heard tell of the holy complot and conspiracy 
agreed on by the pope and his champions for the execution 
of the council of Trent, and the general establishing of this 
inquisition. And that we never knew what persecution 
meant, in comparison to that meant and threatened now. 
And therefore, in fine, he exhorted the English nation to pray 
for the deliverance of our neighbours, and to turn from us 
the same justly deserved plague; and to be strong in faith, 
and courageous in deed, to repel these common enemies 
from our country, whensoever they should offer what they 
had so long determined. 
A view of And now we are travelled thus far in this queen's reign, 
htV'Se ^^^ entered 6ven into the 11th year of it, we may pause a 
ofthe king- while, and look back upon the state of the kingdom; and 
^™* make some comparison between the government of this 

queen, and the former government under her sister Mary. 


And that I may give some prospect of this, I shall take it CHAP. 

from the words of one that Hved in tliose times, and bore a ' 

great share in them. Anno 1569. 

" Let us look upon the state,"" saith he, " as it was before. Jewel's 
" Wliat hunger [i. e. famine and dearth] was in this land ! ^'^^^,"f ^''f 

o L J pope s bull, 

*' Many of our brethren died for lack of food. What cruel p- 22. 
" executions were then in London ! There were few 
" streets, where was not set up a gallows or a gibbet. In 
" Oxford fifty-two were executed at one sessions. What dis- 
" eases fell upon us ! The gravest, and wisest, and richest 
" men were taken away. Calais was lost. A stranger and 
" foreign people had the rule over us. All things went 
" against us, because God was not with us. But he restored 
" by his servant our queen those joys again which we 
" lacked. He hath given us civil peace among ourselves, 
" and peace with foreign nations. He hath given us health 
" of body, and store of victuals, discharge of debts, and 
" avoiding of strangers. He hath given us mercy, in jus- 
" tice abandoning all cruelty. We are now with God ; and 
" all things go well with us." 

To which his observation of the pope's cursing and ban- The pope's 
ning the queen in his said bull is apposite enough : " He t" a Mess"-^ 
" accursed England, but (thanks be to God) it was never >ng' 
" better in worldly peace, in health of body, and in abun- 
" dance of corn and victuals. As he likewise accursed the 
" princes and states of Germany ; but they were never 
" stronger. He blessed his own side, [viz. France, Spain, 
" Venice,] but it decayed and withered. He cursed the 
" gospel, but it prevailed and prospered. Nay, and the 
" more he cursed, the more it prospered : for God did turn 
" the pope's curse into a blessing to us." 

And then in regard of the nation's singular happiness in 
the enjoyment of the present queen, thus he sets it out : 

" God gave us queen Elizabeth, and with her gave us 
" peace ; and so long a peace as England hath seldom seen 

" before They [the papists] talk much of an un- 

" bloody sacrifice. It is not theirs to offer it ; queen Eliza- 580 
" beth shall offer it up unto God, even her unbloody hands, 


CHAP. " and unbloody sword, and unbloody people, and unbloody 
" government. This is an unbloody sacrifice ; and this sa- 

Anno 1569." crifice is acceptable unto God. Oh ! how graciously did 

" her majesty commend us her subjects to the careful and 

*' wise government of her council and judges, when she 

The queen's " spake tlius unto them : ' Have care over my people. You 

cernrn''her" " have my people: do you that which I ought to do. They 

people. ii aj.g 1-j^y people. Every man oppresseth them and spoileth 

" them without mercy. They cannot revenge their quarrel, 

" nor help themselves. See unto them; see unto them. 

" For they are my charge. I charge you even as God hath 

" charged me. I care not for myself: my life is not dear 

" to me. My care is for my people. I pray God, whosoever 

" succeedeth me be as careful as I am. They which know 

*' what cares I bear, would not think I took any great joy 

" in wearing the crown."* These ears,"" said bishop Jewel, 

" heard, when her Majesty spake these words." 


G7'eat dangers to the church and nation apprehended at 
hand. Memorials of it by Cecil. A Portugal's offer to 
the queen. The Tebellion in the north. The rebellious 
earls, their declarations. The queen's declaration against 
them. The earl of Sussex sent against them : his procla- 
mation. The university warned. Further relation of 
this insurrection. Leonard Dacres begins another rebel- 
lion. People in other parts how affected. 

Dangers X HUS far of the queen's prosperous reign had she peace- 
tiie^nati'on. ^^^ly managed and brought to pass her great and good de- 
signs, in casting off the pope"'s pretended power over her 
and her kingdom, and settling a religion well purged and 
reformed from popery in her church. But now this year 
the clouds begin to gather over her head, and her peace 
seemeth to be much threatened by popish combinations. 
Which, however, was not so surprising, but her counsellors 
were well aware of it. They both saw the kingdom's pre- 


sent danger, and were providing remedies against it. I have CHAP, 
seen a memorial of that careful and wise statesman sir Wil- ^*^' 
liam Cecil, drawn up under two titles; viz. Perils and j?^- Anno 1569. 
medies ; which he sent to the duke of Norfolk, perhaps by 
the queen''s order. This memorial will plainly discover the 
dangerous state of the church and kingdom. I shall there- 
fore exemplify it. 


A conspiration of the pope, king Philip, the French king, Cecil's me- 
and sundry potentates of Italy ; to employ all their forces J^g"j||f 
for the subversion of the professors of the gospel. MSS. penes 

The intention of the same formed to be extended against .^^ 
England, immediately after the subduing of the prince of 
Conde and his associates. 

The Spaniard daily avaunts in the Low Countries within 
short time to possess this realm without any battle. 

The opinion they have conceived of the weakness of this 
realm, by reason of the lack of experience of the subjects in 
feats of war. And secondly, for that the papistical subjects, 
being fled out of the realm, have made books in manner of 
registers ; accounting in every shire and great town of tlie 
realm, who be assured to the Roman religion ; making their 
estimate of more than the best half of noblemen and gentle- 
men to be theirs. 

The secret collections of money that are made in the 
realm by procvn'ators of the papists. 

The evident knowledge had for a truth, what the judges, 
the lawyers, both of the connnon law and the civil, are in 
this matter. 

The danger hereof also is the gi'eater, because tbe wise 
papists of England, as well those abroad as those at home, 
are by former examples taught, if ever the power shall be 
in their hands, never to suffer any, being contrary to them, 
to have power: remembering that which is said in the 
science military, Non licet his in hello peccare. 

The discovery of a great number of gentlemen lately in 
Lancashii'e, that have upon persuasion forborne to come to 



CHAP, the church; with opinion shortly to enjoy the use of the 

1__ popish rehgion. 

Anno 1569. Lastly, to speak as my entire thoughts be by the exam- 
ples of the scripture ; the long tranquillity which this realm 
hath enjoyed, the plentiful teaching of the truth, and the 
general neglecting thereof, must needs provoke the wrath of 


The principal is, to amend our lives ; and to be thankful 
indeed for the benefit of the gospel. 

The second resteth in using those means that Almighty 
God hath left to this realm : which consisteth in many 
parts, viz. 

Tliat the queen's majesty unite all her faidiful subjects, 
that profess the gospel sincerely, both to herself, by giving 
them comfort and credit, and also among themselves, by 
removing of all partial faction. 

The procuring of some aid secretly for the prince of 
Conde, if the French king will refuse to have the queen a 
moderator of peace ; as presently she hath sent to offer the 
same : whereof as yet no answer is had. But if it be refused, 
then is made apparent by themselves, that their intention 
is to prosecute the subversion of the common cause of reli- 

To view the power of the realm, and to put it in order, 
(and especially the countries upon the seacoast towards 
Flanders and France,) by special commissioners. 

To make the navy ready. 

To embrace such leagues as the princes of Almain do 
offer for defence of religion. 
582 I know not well what to make of it, but I must interpose 
curzl o"ffers ^^^^ Something which this summer happened from a private 
service to Portugueze gentleman, and merchant, as it seems ; who 
*^" "^ ' pretended zealously to offer his service to the queen, to 
make up the breach between her and Spain her enemy, as 
being well known to both : whether he was secretly em- 
ployed to amuse her, and render her the more secure at this 


juncture, when so much mischief was contriving against her, CHAP. 
I know not. He gave out, that he came post from Portu- 

gal to Antwerp, and from thence to Calais. Where he met Anno 1669. 
with one Wight, a merchant of London, who being a man 
to whom he found he might intrust this secret, he disclosed 
it to him, and withal gave him a letter to the secretary, 
dated from Calais, July the 14th, 1569- Wherein he gave 
this relation of himself and of his offer : that at Antwerp he 
heard particularly the troubles and vmquietness that were 
in the countries of Flanders, and in the realm of England, 
the which had been so long time past in league and friend- 
ship together. That he considered and saw, that this was 
rather the work of the Devil than the service of God ; and 
therefore he determined with God's help, and for his service 
and the princes, to oifer his person and all his ability, be- 
ing moved hereunto by no other person of any degree, but 
his own proper mind and will ; since he was as good an 
Englishman as he was a Portugueze, and esteemed the one 
realm his natural country as well as the other. In consi- 
deration Avhereof he departed from Antwerp, and was come 
to Calais : from thence to give knowledge hereof to the 
queen''s majesty and to him, the secretary. And as the 
thing that God ordaineth he giveth good beginning to, and 
better ending, so he trusted he would give it in this matter. 

And for a remembrance in this behalf, he also gave this 
merchant a paper wdth these words written in it : 

*' Whereas Mr. Anthony Fogassa Portingal, and gentle- His offer. 
" man to the king of Portugal, and one John Wight of 
" London, merchant, arrived by chance at Calais in one 
" lodging, upon the 20th of June last past ; and upon com- 
" munication between them of sundry matters, the said An- 
" thony Fogassa said, it grieved him not a little to see the 
" lack that England, Spain, and Portugal had, in not hav- 
" ing presently the like conference and traffic as they have 
*' had commonly ever heretofore ; the which cannot be but 
" to the much disservice of God, to the destruction of the 
" countries and their subjects : and whereas the like discord 
" and variance about twenty-four years past chanced to be 

X 4 


CHAP. " between the king of England, king Henry VIII. and the 
" king of France ; and two merchants, by name, Bartilmew 

Anno 1569." Compane and Mysere Bernard Venetian, attempted to 
" conckide the peace between them, by their own wills, and 
*' at their own proper costs and charges ; and the said Ber- 
" nard finished the said peace between the said two kings : 
" and seeing the said Anthony Fogassa hath seen so fair a 
•' precedent pass in his time, he being then in London ; 
" and now calling the same to remembrance, having no 
" less good-will and capacity to do the like ; and also being 
" known of the queen's majesty, and of the other two 
" princes ; hopeth with his travel to do the like good. And 
583 " seeing all things must have a beginning and travel before 
*' they can be brought to any conclusion or end, and a 
" better means than this cannot be devised, to the honour 
" of all the princes, the said Anthony Fogassa being moved 
*' by his own proper will and mind, and not being procured 
" thereunto by any other person, for good service sake 
" unto God, for good commonwealth's sake unto the said 
" countries ; as also for his esteem of England as his native 
" country ; and for much and many pleasures and honours 
*' that the queen's majesty hath done to him, and the ho- 
" nourable secretary Cecil ; all these considerations have 
" moved him to come to the town of Calais, to certify the 
*' queen's majesty and her honourable council this his good- 
" will in this behalf, and is ready to travel therein, know- 
" ing their pleasures. Which answer he attendeth." I leave 
this to the reader's contemplation, nothing coming thereof; 
and so pass on. 

A rebellion jvfow thouffh there happened this year no open invasion 

of papists in. , °., -in- ■ ^ 

the north, irom the popish conspired loreign potentates; yet in tne 
latter part thereof, viz. in the month of November, hap- 
pened a dangerous rebellion raised by her popish subjects 
in the northern parts bordering upon Scotland ; abetted 
and encouraged, in all likelihood, from abroad. This fac- 
tion was headed by two great earls, viz. Northumberland 
and Westmorland. They declared at first the cause of their 
appearing in arms to be, to have the old religion restored. 


Afterwards, (to stop the clamours of some, that the insur- CHAP. 
rection of these earls tended to the overthrow of the queen ;_ 

and realm, and in hopes to bring in the more to join with Anno 1569. 
them,) they set forth another declaration, viz. that their 
gathering together in that manner was in behalf of the true 
succession, and for the better establishment of the crown ; 
which was endeavoured to be hindered by divers evil men 
about the queen's person ; and that this was a matter de- 
liberated .upon and desired by the high and mighty prince, 
the duke of Norfolk, and others of the ancient nobihty, 
and many that were favourers of God's word, [that is, the 
queen's protestant subjects.] 

Now, because these declarations are to be found in none Their de- 
of our historians, nor hardly any mention made of them, I '^ ^'^^ ""'"* 
shall here insert them as they were sent up from the dean 
of York to Grindal, bishop of London ; who conveyed them 
to the secretary : among whose papers I had them. 

The first ran in this tenor : " We Thomas Earl of Nor- 
" thumberland, and Charles earl of Westmorland, the 
" queen's true and faithful subjects, to all the same of 
" the old catholic religion. Know ye, that we, with many 
" other well disposed persons, as well of the nobility as 
" others, have promised our faiths in the furtherance of this 
" our good meaning. Forasmuch as divers disordered and 
" evil disposed persons about the queen's majesty have, by 
" their subtile and crafty dealing to advance themselves, 
*' overcome in this our realm the true and catholic religion 
" towards God ; and by the same abused the queen, dis- 
" ordered the realm ; and now, lastly, seek and procure the 
" destruction of the nobility : we therefore have gathered 
" ourselves together, to resist by force ; and the rather by 
" the help of God and you, good people ; and to see redress 584 
*' of these things amiss, with restoring of all ancient customs 
" and liberties to God's church and this noble realm : lest, 
" if we should not do it ourselves, we might be reformed 
" by strangers, to the great hazard of the state of this our 
" country ; whereunto we are all bound." 

Next came abroad this declaration from them. 

CHAP. " Wliereas it liatli been, by the sinister and wicked re- 

T IV - • 

" ports of sundry malicious persons, enemies both to God's 

Anno 1569." word and the public estate of this commomvealth, de- 
" vised and pubUshed, that the assembly of these noblemen, 
" the earls of Northumberland and Westmorland, with sun- 
" dry of the greatest worship and credit in this part of the 
" realm, is and hath been to the overthrow of the common- 
" wealth and the crown ; it was therefore thought good to 
" the earls and their council, to signify to all and every the 
" queen'^s majesty's subjects, the true and sincere meaning 
" of the said earls, their friends and allies. 

" Know ye therefore, that where of late it hath been 
*' faithfully and deliberately considered and devised by the 
" right high and mighty prince Thomas duke of Norfolk, 
*' Henry earl of Arundel, William earl of Pembroke, to- 
" gether with the said earls of Northumberland and West- 
" morland, and divers others of the ancient nobility of this 
*' realm, with a common consent of sundry the principal fa- 
" vourers of God's word ; and the same, as well for the 
" avoiding of bloodshed and utter subversion of the com- 
" monwealth, as the reforming of certain disorders crept in 
" by the abuse and malicious practices of sundry wicked 
" and evil disposed persons ; to make manifest and known 
** to all manner of men, to whom of mere right the true 
" succession of the crown appertaineth, dangerously and 
" uncertainly depending, by reason of many titles and in- 
" terests pretended to the same : the which godly, good, 
" and honourable meaning of the said nobility hath been 
" sought by all manner of means to be prevented by certain 
" common enemies of this realm about the queenV person ; 
" by whose sinister and detestable counsel and practice, well 
" known to us and to the rest of the nobility, their lives 
" and liberties are now endangered ; and daily devices 
" made to apprehend our bodies, the true remain of their 
" virtuous counsel and intent; the which their unjust and 
" ambitious policies and practices can by no submission on 
" our parts be avoided, but only by the sword : 

" We have therefore, of just and faithful meaning to the 


" queen's majesty, her commonwealth, and the true succes- CHAP. 
sors of the same, assembled ourselves, to resist force by 


"force; wherein we commit ourselves (seeing no interces- Anno 1 569. 

" sion Avill help) to the exceeding mercy and goodness of God, 

" and to all true favourers of this realm of England, re- 

" solved in ourselves, in this so just and godly enterprise, 

" wholly to adventure lives, lands, and goods : whereunto 

" we heartily crave the true aid and assistance of all faith- 

" ful favourers of the quietness of the commonwealth, and 

" the ancient nobility of the same. 

" God save the queen and the nobility."" 
When the rebellion in the north was thus broke out, be- 585 
ing about 5500 horse and foot strong, according to the ac-^^';^^t^'^^_ 
count sent to the lord treasurer by sir George Bowes, or claimed 
less according to Camden, the queen commanded the earl ^^^J^^^,^ 
of Sussex, her lieutenant-general and lord president of her Ammis. 
council in the north, to proclaim the two earls of Westmor- 
land and Northumberland traitors, and all that adhered to 
them. And to prevent others from joining with them, and 
to shew all the world what sort of men the two earls were 
that headed the rebels, she set forth at large a declaration 
concerning their treasons. " That she was about the latter The queen's 

^ -, . /. If ^ 1 • • declaration. 

" end of the summer mformed of some secret whispenngs 
" in certain places of Yorkshire and Durham, that there 
" was like to be some assemblies of lewd people in those 
" parts tending to a rebellion : which the queen at first 
*« little regarded, because the said information contained no 
*' evident or direct cause of proof. But afterwards, the re- 
" ports renewed again, upon die two earls having secret 
" meetings with certain persons of suspected behaviour. Of 
" this the earl of Sussex gave advertisement ; adding never- 
" thelessj that to his knowledge there were nothing but 
" lewd rumours suddenly raised and suddenly ended. But 
" shortly after, he sent for the two earls, with whom he 
" conferred of those rumours. Who then falsely dissem- 
" bllng, protested themselves free from all such occasions, 
" offering to spend their lives against any that should break 
" the peace. 'J'he lord president of the north, upon their 


CHAP. " oaths, so much trusted them, that he gave them leave to 
^^^' " depart, and power to examine the causes of these bruits : 
Anno 1569. " but the fears of their treasons, however covered, were so 
" great, that they newly burst out in more flames. 

" Whereupon, the queen, being loath to enter into any 
" distrust of her nobility, that the earls might be cleared 
" from slander, and the good people that lived in fear of 
" spoil be quieted, commanded the lord president to re- 
*' quire the two earls in her name to repair unto her : who 
" accordingly sent his letters to them, to come to him to 
" consult upon matters appertaining to that council. Where- 
" unto they made dilatory answers. And when he once 
" again earnestly required them to come, they flatly denied. 
" Then the queen sent her own private letters of command- 
" ment to them to repair to her presence. AH which not- 
" withstanding they refused to come. But before the de- 
" livery of the queen''s letters, they had got as considerable 
" numbers with them as they could, which were not many. 
" For the honester sort did refuse to associate with thera. 
" And so they entered into an open and actual rebellion, 
" arming and fortifying themselves in all warlike manner. 
" They invaded houses and churches, published proclama- 
" tions in their own names, to move the queen''s subjects to 
" take their parts ; as meaning of their own authority to 
" subvert laws, threatening the people, that if they could 
" not achieve their purposes, then strangers would enter 
" the realm to finish the same. Yet they declared, that 
" they meant no hurt to her majesty. 
586 " ^^^^ ^^ ^° ^^^ reformation of any great matters, they 
" were as ill chosen two persons, if their qualities were con- 
" sidered, to have credit, as could be in the whole realm. 
" For they were both in poverty ; one having but a very 
" small portion of that which his ancestors had left ; and 
" the other having wasted almost his whole patrimony. 
" The queen therefore saw in what sort they went about 
" to satisfy their private lack and ambition, through the 
" persuasion of the number of desperate persons associated 
" as parasites with them. And siie thought good, that all 


" her loving subjects should understand, how the said earls, CHAP. 
" contrary to the natural property of nobility, which was ^^^* 

*' instituted to defend the prince, being the head, and to Anno i sea. 

" preserve peace, had most openly and treacherously en- 

" tered into the first rebellion, and breach of the public 

'* blessed peace of the realm, that liad happened (beyond 

" all former examples) during her majesty''s reign, which 

" now had continued about eleven years. An act horrible 

" against God, the only giver of so long peace ; and un- 

" grateful to their sovereign lady, to whom they two parti- 

" cularly had heretofore made sundry professions of their 

" faith ; and, lastly, most unnatural and pernicious to their 

" native country, that had so long enjoyed peace, and now 

" by their only malice to be troubled in that felicity. 

" And, lastly, she charged all her good subjects, to em- 
" ploy their whole power to the preservation of common 
" peace, and speedily to apprehend and suppress all manner 
" of persons that should by deed or word shew themselves 
" favourable to this rebellious enterprise of the said earls 
" and their associates ; and declared them to be rebels and 
" traitors, and so be taken and used to all purposes : not 
" doubting, but this admonition and knowledge given 
" should suffice for all good subjects to retain themselves in 
" their duties, and to be void from all seducing by the fore- 
" said rebels.*" This proclamation was given at the castle of 
Windsor, November the 24th. 

Four days after, viz. November 28, the earl of Sussex The earl of 
hastened abroad his proclamation, subscribed with his own prociama- 
name at bottom, declaring the falsehood and vain delusions tion against 

tliG rebels* 

whereby the earls of Northumberland and Westmorland, 
and their confederates, did abuse the queen"'s subjects to 
maintain their rebellious enterprises, as the title ran. And Their a- 
these abuses and delusions were, That they commanded the j^ 
qucen"'s subjects, in her highnesses name, to repair to them 
in warlike manner for the defence and surety of her person, 
when their intent was indeed to maintain their own trea- 
sons, and thereby to put in peril her most royal majesty. 


CHAP. That they affirmed their doings to be with the advice and 
^'^' consent of the nobihty, who indeed were wholly bent to 

Anno 1569. spend their lives in dutiful obedience against them and all 
jjj other traitors. That they pretended, for conscience sake, to 
seek to reform religion; where indeed it was manifestly 
known, many of them never had care of conscience, or ever 
respected any religion, but continued a dissolute hfe, until 
at this present they were driven to pretend a popish holiness, 

IV. to put some false colour vipon their manifest treasons. That 
they declared, that they were driven to take this matter in 
hand, lest other foreign princes might take it upon them, 

587 to the great peril of the kingdom: where indeed they, not 
contented with the good, quiet, and public administration of 
justice, so long continued under the queen"'s majesty, as the 
like was never before in any prince's time, had, by all the 
means they could, practised with foreign princes to aid 
them in this wicked enterprise; and thereby sought, not 
only the manifest peril of our most sovereign gracious lady's 
person, state, and dignity royal, but also to bring the whole 
realm to perpetual thraldom and misery, under the subjec- 

V. tion and slavery of foreign powers and potentates. That 
they covered their naughty intent with a show of desire to 
preserve the state of the ancient nobility from destruction ; 
where indeed it manifestly appeared, that in the whole 
twelve years past, the queen had such a care of preserving 
that state, as from the beginning of her reign to this hour 
there had not perished one of that flock. And they them- 
selves, who abused the people with those slanderous de- 
vices, had most graciously and liberally tasted of her ma- 
jesty's favour, good countenance, bounty, and famihar 
usage, more than others did of their equals, and far above 
their deserts; and of whom she had conceived so good 
opinion, as hardly could she of long time be induced to 
think, that such lack of duty could enter into their hearts 
against her, or such ingratitude towards her, that had so li- 
berally dealt with them, and so lovingly towards them ; al- 
though she knew that some of them lived in danger of her 


laws: whereof she gave them to understand she had good CHAP, 
knowledge, and did tolerate them in hope of their loyalties 

otherwise. Anno isea. 

In consideration whereof, the said lieutenant-general, see- 
ing how the ignorant people was abused by these delusions, 
and knowing what covenants, promises, assertions, and oaths 
they had heretofore made to the queen, and also to him to 
be reported to her highness, for the continuance of their 
truths and loyalties to her majesty, and seeing by the se- 
quel, that all they had done, presently did, or hereafter in- 
tended to do, were but fore-pretended falsehoods ; thought 
it convenient to notify to all her majesty's subjects their 
manner of dealings, whereby they might manifestly see 
their principal intents to be, to put in peril the person of 
the queen, and to sow sedition and rebellion, and to draw 
foreign nations into the realm, to the utter subversion and 
perpetual bondage of tliis ancient free commonwealth, to 
spoil all kinds of people, (whereof the whole country felt 
the present smart,) and to maintain and continue their li- 
centious and unbridled affections, and with falsehood, open 
lies, and vain delusions to seek to abuse all kind of estates, 
for the furthering of their wicked intents. 

Which matters, evidently appearing to the whole world, 
were sufficient to induce all men, that had either reason, 
duty to their sovereign lady, or love to their native country, 
and had been by these delusions abused, utterly to forsake 
and detest them and their Avicked doings : and all such as 
had not hitherto been abused, to forbear to repair to them, 
or any ways to aid or succour them, or any of their trai- 
torous enterprises, abominable before God, undutiful to their 
sovereign lady, and most perilous to the quiet and pro- 
sperous state of the realm ; wherein all honest persons have 
lived from the beginning of her majesty's reign, in freedom 588 
of their persons, with surety of life, lands, and goods. 

In tlie midst of these storms, I cannot but relate the Secretary 

„, - /-,•! 1 ••,.i?ri Cecil to the 

careful eye of secretary Cecil upon the university or l^am-u^i^.^^^i^y 
bridge, of which he was chancellor, lest there might arise »po» ti.e re- 

c" ' ' '-' bellion. 


CHAP, some commotions among the scholars there ; especially, many 
'__ of them coming from those northern parts, or related to the 

Anno 1569. earls, or to others there in arms. Care was taken in time 
to inform the university with this rebellion, by a gentleman 
that seemed to come from those parts. And the secretary, 
as their chancellor, hastened his letter to the vice-chancellor 
and heads, with special order to keep all quiet there, and to 
T. Bak. have a careful eye to such as were justly suspicious. " That 
' ■ ■ • "he understood, that they were advertised by one Mr. 
" Hall of some troubles moved in the northern parts by 
" the earls of Northumberland and Westmorland, and some 
" other gentlemen in their company; advising them to have 
" regard to any kinsmen or children of any of them, if any 
" such were in that university. That as he liked well of 
" that advice, so he had also thought good specially to re- 
" quire and pray them to inquire and consider throughout 
" that university, what young gentlemen there were within the 
" same of kin to the said earls, or either of them, or sons ; 
" or sons or kinsmen of one Norton, Tempest, Swynburn, 
" and Markhamfield, of the north, or of any other capital 
" person that they should hear to be in company of the said 
" earls. And generally, what gentlemen''s sons or kinsfolk 
" of any of the north parts were to be presently found in 
" that university. And that finding any such, he prayed 
" them to give strait order to their tutors, and others 
" having the charge and government of them, to see them, 
" and every such, well looked to, that they departed not 
" from thence. And that after they should have made such , 
" a general inquiry, he prayed them to send him in writing 
" the names of such as they should find to be of the north, 
*' and of what place they were born ; with such circuni- 
" stances as they might learn of themselves, or any other, 
" of their qualities and lines. Whereby he should be better 
" able to judge who were meet to be regarded and looked 
" to; and thereof to give them further advice in this be- 
« half.'' 

And then concluding, by way of postscript, in these words 


of his own hand : " I doubt not but you will have good re- CHAP. 
" gard to stay lewd rumours ; and in the beginning sharply 

" to punish them. Subscribing, Anno 1 569. 

t£ T? TT7 J n .1 I T " Your's assured, W. Cecil." 
" From Wyndsor Castle, 1 7 ' 

"of Novemb. 1569." 

This as well as many other instances shew the chancel- 
lor's care of his university. 

After this dangerous rebellion was scattered, and many The oath to 
came in, and submitted and begged pardon, this was the ^j^^ ^g^"j^ ^ 
form of the oath made by them in order to their pardon : in order to 
*' First, you shall swear, that yee be heartily sorry that yee jo^, 
" have offended the queen'^s majesty in the late rebellion; 
" and that you do and shall repute and take all oaths and 
*' promises heretofore made to any person or persons for 589 
" and touching the said rebellion, to be wicked, vuilawful, 
" and of none effect ; also, that you have offended God and 
" her highness in taking any such oath, or in making 
" any promise for that purpose. And that from henceforth 
" yee shall be true and faithful subject unto the queen, our 
" sovereign lady Elizabeth, &c. And that you shall from 
" henceforth obey and allow all laws, &c. not being re- 
" pealed. And all the same yee shall against all persons 
" maintain and defend to the uttermost of your power; and 
" shall assist all such judges, justices, commissioners, officers, 
" and ministers, as well ecclesiastical as temporal, as the 
" queen''s majesty shall appoint for the due execution of any 
" of her majesty ""s laws, ordinances, injunctions, statutes, or 
" proclamations. 

" Item, Ye shall never hereafter during your lives make 
" any unlawful assemblies or commotions, nor put your- 
" selves in any number in any forcible array, at the com- 
" mandment of any person whatsoever, but only at the 
" commandment of the queen's majesty, or her lieutenant, 
" &c. 

" Item, You shall not do or commit any treasons, mur- 
" ders, felonies, nor suffer any such to be done by any 
" person whatsoever; but you shall openly bewray the 



CHAP. " same to the queen's majesty, or to such as have her ma- 

!__ " jesty's laws in administration. And in case there shall 

Anno 1569. " happen any person or persons which shall utter and de- 
" clare unto you privily or openly any seditious matters, or 
" move you to any insurrection, &c. or speak any slanderous 
" words of the queen's majesty, or any of her counsellors; 
" you shall likewise open and disclose the same, and shall 
" endeavour yourself to apprehend all such persons, and so 
" have them committed to sure prison. 

" And you shall also swear, that you do utterly testify 

" and declare in your consciences, that the queen's highness 

" is the only supreme governor of this realm, and of all 

" other her highness's dominions and countries, as well in 

" all spiritual and ecclesiastical things or causes, as temporal; 

" and that no foreign prince, person, prelate, &c. [as in the 

" oath of supremacy.] So help you God, and the contents 

" of this book." 

The rebels While this herd of papalins were got together in arms, 

cut and tear |.|^gy shewed their popish zeal, among other outrages, in en- 

the Bible tcring into the churches, and there cutting and tearing the 

mo,j Prayer, bibles and the Common Prayer-books, and treading them 

under their feet. 
A sermon In the mean time, the archbishop of Canterbury caused 
fr^amed^for ^ Sermon in six parts to be composed, and often read in the 
this occa- realm. Against wilful rebellion ; and a prayer for the pre- 
servation of the queen and kingdom, to be used during this 
rebellion, beginning, O most mighty God, the Lord of hosts, 
the Governor of all creatures, &c. As at the quelling thereof, 
a thanksgiving to God for the same, beginning, O heavenly 
and most mercifid Father, the Defender of those that put 
their trust in thee, &c. which thanksgiving, by some strokes 
in it, I believe was composed by the archbishop himself. 
This sermon, prayer, and thanksgiving were added to, and 
be still extant in our book of homilies. By the sermon we 
may understand somewhat of the practice and mischiefs of 
the rebels, and what sort of men they were. 
590 " He that considereth the persons, state, and conditions 
^ tu*'^*^***^ " of the rebels themselves, the reformers, as they take upon 


" them, of the present government, he shall find that the CHAP. 
" most rash and hairbrained men, the greatest unthrifts, ^^^' 

" that have lewdly wasted their own goods and lands, those Anno i569. 
" that be over the ears in debt, and such as for their thefts, 1*5'^' V^^ 

' ^ ' the mis- 

" robberies, and murders, dare not, in any well-governed ciiiefs by 
" commonwealth, where good laws are in force, shew their T,|'^^'L°art' 
*' faces; such as are of most lewd and wicked behaviour "^ the ser- 
" and life, and all such as will not or cannot live in peace, 
" are always most ready to move rebellion, or take part 
" ^vith rebels. And are not these meet men, trow yee, to re- 
" store the commonwealth decayed, who have so spoiled 
" and consumed all their own wealth and thrift ; and very 
" like to amend other men's manners, who have so vile vices 

" and abominable conditions themselves ? Let no The rebels' 

"good and discreet subjects therefore follow the flag orj5,^g°'^JJ^Jj',^. 

" banner displayed to rebellion, and borne by rebels, though 

" it have the image of the plough painted therein, with God 

" speed the plough written under in great letters: knowing 

" that none hinder the plough more than rebels, who will 

" neither go to the plough themselves, nor suffer others 

" that would go to it. And though some rebels bear the And the five 

"picture of the^t;^ wounds painted, the true Christians ^'°"°''^" 

" are those who put their only hope of salvation in the 

" wounds of Christ ; not those wounds which are painted 

" in a clout by some lewd painter, but in those wounds 

" which Christ himself bare in his precious body. Though And tiie 

" they, little knowing what the cross of Christ meaneth, "°^^' 

" which neither carver nor painter can make, do bear the 

" image of the cross painted in a rag against those that 

" have the cross of Christ painted in their hearts : yea, 

" though they paint withal in their flags, In hoc signo 

" vinces, i. e. B?/ this sign thou shalt get the victory , by a 

" most fond imputation of the poesy of Constantinus Mag- 

" nus, that most noble Christian emperor, and great con- 

" queror of God's enemies ; a most unmeet sign for rebels 

" of God, their prince, and country; or what banner soever 

" they shall bear ; yet let no good and godly subject, upon 

Y 2 


CHAP. " any hope of victory or good success, follow such standard- 
" bearers of rebellion." 

Anno 1569. And again, speaking of the chief author of this rebellion, 
If Rome"^' the bishop of Rome : " He [the said bishop] hath procured 
the author " the breach of the public peace of England (with the long 
beiiion."^*^' " ^^^ blessed continuance whereof he is sore grieved) by 
Sixth part " the ministry of his disguised chaplains, creeping in lay- 
men. " men''s apparel into the houses, and whispering in the ears 
" of certain northern borderers, being then most ignorant of 
I " their duties to God and to their prince, of all people in 
" the realm : whom therefore, as most meet and ready to 
" execute his intended purpose, he hath by his said igno- 
" rant mass-priests, as blind guides leading the blind, 
" brought the silly blind subjects into the ditch of horrible 
" rebellion, damnable to themselves, and very dangerous to 
" the state of the realm, had not God of his mercy miracu- 
" lously calmed that raging tempest, not only without a 
" shipwreck of the commonwealth, but almost without any 
" shedding of Christian and Englisli blood at all." 
591 R^Jt no sooner was the rebellion of these earls quelled. 
Another re- but Leonard, a younger son of the lord Dacres of the north, 
Leonard ^ began another in those parts next Scotland : intending, by 
Dacres. the help of those scattered rebels and his own forces, to ef- 
fect his purpose ; which was (whatever he pretended more 
plausibly to deliver the Scotch queen) to get possession of 
the lands and revenues of his father and elder brother, 
lords Dacres deceased. Rut after a battle with the lord 
Hunsdon, governor of Rerwick, he was also defeated, and 
fled ; as our historians relate. Soon after, a pardon from 
the queen was sent down to those rebels, as being imposed 
upon by that deceitful rebel, as she graciously interpreted 
it. Which pardon is but just named in our historian 
Camden, nor exemplified either in Stow or Holinshed. I 
have met with it ; and find it so large and expressive, that 
thereby that part of history may be considerably illustrated ; 
and therefore I shall here annex it. 

It bore this title: A proclamation of the queeii's majesty's 


pardon, granted to certain of her suhjects upon the xcest CHAP. 
borders ; having offended by Leonard Dacres, abusing of ______ 

them in a rebellion lately stirred by him. It bore date, '^nno iseg. 
From her honour of Hampton-court, March the 4th, anno 
regn. regin. 12; and ran in this tenor: 

"The queen's majesty being informed, that in the late The queen's 
" rebellion attempted by Leonard Dacres in Cumberland, P.''"'^'^"^^- 

r J ^ ' tion of par- 

" within the west wardenry, upon the frontiers of Scotland, don. 
" the greater number of her subjects that came to him were 
" abused, and falsely allured to aid him, partly for defence 
" of the possession which he had gotten of certain houses, 
" wherein he pretended title, though against the order of 
" the laws of the realm ; and partly to withstand certain in- 
" cursions, that he untruly pretended should be shortly 
" made into those borders by the outlaws of Scotland, and 
" the rebels lately fled out of the land, [viz. those headed 
" by the two earls.] And now, since the said Leonard Da- 
" cres, contrary to his false persuasions, hath manifestly de- 
" clared himself, by his false actions, to have assembled this 
" power only to make a new rebellion against her majesty 
" and the crown of this realm ; the multitude of her poor 
" subjects, which were by such false and traitorous devices 
" allured to come to him in force and arms, &c. have la- 
" mentably acknowledged and confessed their errors, and 
" with clamours and outcryings have accursed the said 
" Leonard Dacres, as a most wicked and pernicious traitor: 
" making most piteous intercession, by mean of her ma^ 
" jesty's right trusty and well-beloved cousin the lord of 
" Hunsdon, governor of the town of Berwick, and lord 
" warden of the east marches towards Scotland ; that they 
" might be received to her majesty*'s mercy, and have their 
" pardon, with full intent to be hereafter, during their 
" hves, more careful how to be abused in like manner, to 
" assemble and arm themselves upon provocation of any 
" private subject, having no office nor authority under her 

" majesty, &c Among these, to her majesty''s great 

" comfort, no gentleman of blood or estimation hath been 
" yet found to have offended. 

Y 3 


CHAP. " The queen extended her mercy in this sort following; 
• ■ " that it should be lawful for all her subjects in this rebel- 

Annoi569. « lion in company with Leonard Dacres, or attending or 
^9^ " assisting him the 19th and 20th of the late month of Fe- 
" bruary, to return to their habitations and dwelling-places : 
** and as soon as they may, to give knowledge to the lord 
" warden of the west marches, or to the sheriffs of any of 
" the shires, where their habitations were before their of- 
*' fences, or other inferior officers appointed ; and then no 
*' manner of officer, or other person, to molest them in their 
** persons, goods, chattels, or lands. But they to submit 
" themselves to such orders as should be notified, for re^ 
" cognition of their offences ; and so to enjoy their full par- 
" don from her majesty, whensoever they should sue for the 
" same in chancery, &c. 

" Provided, this pardon not to extend to Leonard Da- 
** ores, nor any of his brethren, nor to any that did before 
" offend in the late rebellion with the two earls ; nor to any 
"justice of peace, constable, ryves, bailiffs of towns, or 
" learned sergeants ; nor to any that at publication of this 
" proclamation should be detained in prison for this rebel- 
" lion, or for lack of repentance unworthy of this mercy : 
*' their names to be read, and openly seen, at the market of 
" Carlisle, or other market-town. 

" And because the unworthiness of the said traitor, Leo- 
" nard Dacres, may in some part the more appear, her ma- 
" jesty is content it be understood, that in the beginning of 
" the two earls' rebellion she was contented upon suit made 
" by Leonard Dacres, (notwithstanding she had heard that 
" he had been the summer before secretly conversant with 
" the earls,) to admit him at Windsor to her presence. 
" Where, being privately with her, he made offers of his 
" service against the said earls, being then proclaimed trai- 
" tors ; and most earnestly requested her majesty therein to 
" commit trust to him, as to a most faithful subject and 
" servant : using many kind speeches, not without assur- 
" ances by oaths, to provoke her majesty not only to offer 
*' him her favour, but to commit to him cliarge to repair 


" into the place where he now committed this treason ; and CHAP. 
" there to join ynth her warden in service against the rebels. 

" According whereunto he departed in all great haste: and, Anno 1 569. 

" as hath been since discovered to her majesty, did then 

*' immediately in his journey, coming near her rebels, renew 

" the fore conspiracies, by secret comforting the said rebels 

" with promises of aid of men and money ; using, for more 

" credit, the names of princes*' ambassadors. And after that, 

" conspired with them by letters and messengers, under co- 

" lour of gathering of force for service of her majesty, to 

" have traitorously destroyed the lord Scroope in the field ; 

" and to have taken the city and castle of Carlisle, and 

" there to have murdered the bishop. And not being able 

" to compass the same, as he desired, seeing the two earls 

" forced to flee the realm, he sent messages and letters of 

" his own hand (which are extant to be seen) to certain in 

" Scotland, requiring favour to be shewed to the said earls; 

" and professing, as soon as he could find time, to shew 

" himself an open friend to them. And so did he manifestly 

" and traitorously perform the same, by fortifying the castle 593 

" of Nawarde [Naworthe] with men, munition, and victual, 

*' by assembling the queen's majesty ""s subjects vnth firing 

*' of beacons : and in the end, finding his power increase 

" with a great number of Scots, did enter into the plain 

" field against the queen^'s majesty"'s power under the con- 

" duct of the lord Hunsdon. Which, when he would have 

" vanquished, (as he certainly accounted that he might, by 

" reason of his great numbers,) he was forced like a traitor to 

*' flee ; and all his own power vanquished by the justice of 

" Almighty God, assisting her majesty's wardens of her 

** east and middle marches : being in number far inferior, 

" but in the goodness of the cause far superior; and of 

" them, through God's goodness, very few hurt." 

Many now, in other parts of the nation, however they How people 
temporized before, shewed at this emergence how well ^f- fe''tg,j\t 
fected they stood to popery, or at least how indifferent to-this junc- 
wards religion ; both magistrates as well as others. What 
the dispositions of men were in Worcestershire may be 



CHAP, judged by Dr. Sandys, the bishop, his letter to the secre- 

' tary, wrote in the month of December, " This small storm 

Anno maketh many to shrink. Hard it is to find one faithful. 

shop of' wi-" The rulers will not displease, but to serve the time, that 

gorn, his « they may be safe in all times. Religion is liked as it may 

account of ^, , . , . , 

his diocese. serve their own turn : not one that is earnest and con- 
" stant : they are all as wavering reeds. In appointing of 
" soldiers from hence, no respect was had to religion; a 
" matter to have been minded, in my opinion. They well 
" considered to spare their own tenants, and to send forth 
*' mine. [Such was their kindness to their bishop.] So that 
" if I should need, I must stop the gap myself, saving for 
" my servants. Wales, with the borders thereof, is vehe- 
" mently to be suspected. If such a mischief should fall 
*' forth, I shall be first assaulted. Percutiam pastorem., he. 
" If I might have authority to prest one hundred of mine 
" own tenants, to be employed in her highness''s service, 
" and for my safety, it would stand me in great stead. If 
*' you can like hereof, I must pray your help herein. 
" Surely, sir, I am not afraid of the enemy, neither is my 
*' life dear unto me ; yet wittingly to fall into danger, Avise 
" men will think folly. But this way, or what way you shall 
" think best for me, shall well content me." 

594 CHAP. LV. 

Books written on occasion of this rebellion ; addressed to 
the rebels and papists. The earl of Westmorland in 
Flanders. Insurrection in Suffolk. Subscription re- 
quired of all Justices and gentlemen to the act of Uni~ 
Jbrmity, and promise of going to church. Inns of court 
popish. Sectaries called puritans. 

■writterfby "^-^ ^^^ juucture wcrc two books written upon occasion of 
occasion of this rebellion ; the former in the time of the rebellion, the 
lion. latter soon after. That in the rebellion was directed, To 

? j^'*^^'"!!'' tl^c qneeji's poor deceived suhjects of the north country^ 



drawn into rebelUon hy the earls of Northumberland and chap. 
Westmorland. That after the rebellion was entitled, A ^^- 

the former 

warning against the dangerous practices ()f papists, awcZ Anno 1 569. 
especially the partners of the late rebellion ; gathered out 
of the common fear and speech of good subjects. It is worth 
giving some brief account of these tracts, (which though 
once printed, yet by this time are as rare as MSS.) which 
discover so much the state of those times, and the grounds 
those rebels went upon. 

The former treatise (which, by the style, strength, and Contents of 
spii-it of it, seems to be composed by the head and pen of 
sir Thomas Smith) began thus, addressing to the rebels: 
" Albeit I know not by what name to call you, since you 
" have lost the just name of Englishmen, by disturbing the 
" common peace of England with cruel invasions and spoils, 
" like enemies ; and the queen's subjects you cannot well be 
" named, having thrown away your due submission and 
" obedience : and yet her subjects still must you be ; and 
" cannot enjoy the name of lawful enemies, being under her 
" highness''s authority of correction, not to be ransomed ; 
" nor by the courtesy of martial law to be dealt with as 
" just enemies, bvit to be executed as traitors and rebels : 
" Christians I cannot term you, that have defaced the com- 
" munion of Christians, and in destroying the book of 
" Christ's most holy testament [for they tore the Bibles 
" and communion-books wheresoever they came] renovmced 
" your part by that testament bequeathed unto you. Yet 
" I remember what you have been : by country, English- 
"men; by nature, our kinsmen and alhcs; by allegiance, 
" subjects; by profession, Christian men. I pity what you 
*' now are : by cruelty and spoil of the land, worse than 
" enemies ; by unnatural doings, further from duties of 
" love than extremest strangers ; by rebellion, traitors ; by 
*' blaspheming Christ our Saviour, and destroying the mo- 
*' numents of his religion, worse than Jews and infidels, 

" &c Call, I pray you, to remembrance your mat- 

" ter, cause, and quarrel, and therewith the end whereto it 
*' tendeth, the shows and colours wherewith it is cloked; 


CHAP. " and therein, the likelihood of those successes that you are 
" promised, with the hope of your aids, complices, fa- 

Anno 1569." vourers, and succours, the estates and qualities of those 
595 " that have misguided you ; how far you be any ways 
" bound unto them ; and to whom you rather be bound ; 
*' and for what causes ; the manner of your own doings in 
" following them ; the power and force of her majesty ; her 
" true subjects and others bent against you ; your own ma- 
*' nifest mischief and danger, both bodily and ghostly ; Al- 
" mighty God''s infinite mercy, and the queen's majesty'*s 
" excessive clemency." [These were the heads of the 
writer"'s ensuing discovirse, which he proceeded to treat of 
singly in their order. Now to repeat only some passages of 
more remark.] 

" Your very matter, cause, and quarrel indeed is not any 
" enterprise for your commodity, nor meant for your be- 
" nefit, no more than if ye were set a work to hang your- 
*' selves : such good-will they bear you, that thus deceive 
" you. The very matter indeed is this: to alter the state 
" and government of the realm ; to overthrow her majesty 
" our most gracious sovereign lady*'s crown and dignity ; 
" to satisfy the need and poverty of such your leaders as 
" are fallen into lack, by their lewd unthriftiness and waste- 
" ful spending in most vile things and doings; to set up the 
" ambition of most unworthy persons ; to serve the turn of 
" our foreign enemies ; by whom, intending our general de- 
*' struction, your misleaders are but with present means and 
"great hopes most traitorously corrupted, to' advance a 
" feigned and false title ; that hath neither foundation of 
*' right and law, nor can stand with the safety of the queen''s 
" majesty ; and cannot but most manifestly threaten to the 
" realm spoil, tyranny, alienation of honour, of sovereignty, 
" and of necessary defence, with most grievous bondage to 
" strangers' unjust power," [i. e. Spaniards,] &c. 

Then he descants upon the two carls' declarations and 
proclamations : " Your great captains, (a likely matter !) 
" pitying the foul disorders of the realm of England, so 
*' impoverished and decayed from the marvellous worthy 


" estate wherein queen Mary left it; so far indebted, be- CHAP. 

" yond the expenses of infinite treasure that king Phihp ' 

" brought and left in this land ; so subjected to strangers, A.\mo i569. 

" that had so small likelihood to have aught to do here in 

" queen Mary's reign ; so troubled zvith foreign wars and 

" invasions, as we have been in the eleven years and more 

" of the queen's most noble government ; so defrauded of 

" due execution of justice, that no subject can have his 

" right by law : whereas indeed none wanteth his right, but 

" they and you, that yet want your due execution, bvxt may 

" have it time enough : and that most lamentable case, 

*' those good devout men, as your holy earl of Westmor- 

" land and others, in whom no kind of lewdness lacked but 

" rebellion, which they have now added to make up their 

" full heap of iniquity, that they might be perfectly stark 

" nought ; being grieved, forsooth, to see God evil served 

" in the common order of prayer, preaching, and admini- 

" stration of sacraments ; and, especially, in that the book 

" of God lieth open to the people, and that God is served 

" after God's own teaching. To remedy all those mischiefs, 

" these notably well-chosen men, like themselves, have called 

" a noble parliament and convocation ; that is, a rout of un- 

" learned, rude rebels, forgetting all duty to God, prince, 

" covmtry, neighbours, and all that ever honest is. And in 

" this deep, wise, and godly assembly, by the inspiration of 

" the Devil's spirit, whom, under the false name of the 5^6 

" Holy Ghost, they have in abominable sacrifice called 

" upon ; it is at length decreed, enacted, and proclaimed, 

" that your two earls, with the rest of their faction, are the 

" queen'' s true andfaitlful subjects ; that they have a good 

" meaning; that the nobility hath given their faith to fur- 

" ther it; that disordered and evil disposed persons about 

" the queen, seelcing their own advancement, have over- 

" thrown true religion, disordered the realm, and seek de- 

" struction of the nobility. That these your good governors 

" zoill, with the help of God and good people, redress things 

" amiss, and restore ancient customs and liberties to the 

" church and realm, &c. 


CHAP. "But wherein is the realm so dangerous, that it must 

LV • , • • 

' " have violent remedy ? That it may abide no delay of 

Anno 1569. " counselling; no ordinary means of reformation; Northum- 
" berland, Westmorland, and Swinborn, like Catiline, Len- 
" tulus, and Manlius, must erect a new triumvirate, to re- 
" pair or new melt and fashion the decayed commonwealth 
*' of England. Sooth, many disordered and evil disposed 
" persons about the queen have marred all. Disordered, 
*' saith my lord of Westmorland ; evil disposed, saith my 
" lord of Northumberland ; about the queen, say good-fel- 
" lows, wight-riders, and robbers in the borders of the two 
" realms. Oh ! virtuous and holy thieves ! Oh ! well-mean- 
" ing traitors ! Oh ! likely surmise ! Is there any greater 
*' disorder than rebellion ? Is there any worse disposition 
*' than treason ? Is there any greater falsehood than thus 
" to defame the queen''s most noble government ? Are you 
" so blind not to see the queen touched, though, to beguile 
*' you, her name be spared ? Come they, whom you call 
" disordered, to the queen uncalled .'' Are they not of her 
" majesty's council by her wise and good choice ? Deal they 
" not in the causes of the realm, to such ends and with such 
" means as her majesty appointeth ? Do they any thing 
" without her authority and good liking, as there is good 
" cause? Make they any laws? Require they any subsidies? 
" Do they the greatest things without the assent of the 
" whole realm ; your own assent, by your deputies and 
" bvirgesses in open parliament, whereunto her majesty's 
" assent is had? Or in causes out of parliament, is aught 
" put in execution without her highness's will and plea- 

" sure ? Cease then to be so beguiled. Take that 

" shadow away ; and take it as truth is ; that your earls' 
" proclamation indeed saith, though not in the selfsame syl- 
" lables, that the queen's majesty, with her nobility, parlia- 
" ment, and council, have done these mischiefs, that my 
" lord of Westmorland and his fellows must redress in 
" haste. And these, nobility and councils, your wise good 
" rulers call disordered and evil disposed persons. If you 
*' know them not, will you believe, that so wise, learned, vir- 


" tuous, and noble a queen calleth to her council disordered CHAP. 
" and evil disposed persoJis ? Yea, more, if you know them 

not, will you believe, so great weakness and poverty Anno 1 569. 
" wherein her majesty found the realm is (thanks be to 
" God) repaired ; so great quietness and peace procured 
" and kept; so good and equal distributing of justice main- 
" tained ; such amity with neighbours ; such love, credit, 
" yea, awe of her highness among foreign princes and po- 
" testates, conciled and upholden so firmly and so many 
" years ; will you believe so great things, so well done, so 597 
" long continued, by disorderly and evil disposed persons? 
*' If you know them, then need I say no more. You 
*' know your proclamation is false : you know they be slan- 
" dered : you know yourselves to be deceived. God give 
" you grace to know how to recover yourselves again. But 
" on the other side, when you remember that which you 
" daily see, the vanities, the doltishness, the borrowing 
" without caring to pay, the prostitute abuse Avithout re- 
" gard of chastity, that lewd unthriftiness without respect 
" of well getting or well spending, the rashness without 
" discretion, the ungodly life without all virtue, the glo- 
" rious lustiness without fear of God, and without all foun- 
" dation of honesty ; the adulteries, fornications, thefts, 
" robberies, spoils, murders, and other mischiefs, in some of 
" your captains, professedly open, and daily exercised, even 
" with the gay name of a jolly, stout gentleman and lusty 
" courage; and in some of great raveny; yet, like Reynard 
" the fox, cloaked with some more hypocrisy. These when 
" you mark and weigh truly, (as you see them daily,) apply 
" the words of diso7'dered and ill disposed persons, as you 
" see them deserved. Let every work have his true name, 
" &c. 

" But what have these disordered and evil disposed coun- 
" sellors about the queen done.? Say you, overcome true 
" and catholic religion ; disordered the realm ; sought the 
" destruction of the nobility. O ! shameless falsehoods ! O ! 
" fading, false, and vain colours ! Come out of darkness ; 
" open your eyes, &c. 


CHAP. " They have overcome true religion^ say your seducers 
' " and false teachers. Is there any alteration of religion 

Anno 1669. « made so rashly as your rebellion? Or teacheth it so un- 

The ^de- *' S^^J ^oings as you do execute ? Or is it received from 

stroyed " any Other than from the word of God himself? If you 

■ " will have any religion, I trust you will have Christ's re- 

" ligion. If you will have the religion of Christ, I hope 

" you will best believe himself to tell you what it is. If you 

*' will hear himself speak, you may not distrust his word. 

" Even they that would deceive you most, cannot deny that 

" the holy Bible is the word of God : what is taught therein 

" is true ; whatsoever is against it is heresy and falsehood. 

** How think you then ? Do they mean you well, that take 

*' God's word from you ? that destroy the Bible ; tear and 

*' tread under foot the scripture of the word of God ; for- 

*' bid you to hear or know that whereby only you should 

** hear and know truth, and learn to see their falsehood ? 

" Can they wish you to see, that would take away your 

" light ? Can they wish you to fare well that would deprive 

" you of your food ? The blasphemy is heinous ; the of- 

'* fence dangerous. This path is not the way to true reli- 

" gion, but to error : which they would not have you see, 

" that persuade you to blindfold yourselves against the 

" truth of God's gospel. 

n. " Besides your destroying of God's book, can you think 

And the u ^^^ tliev mean to draw you to true and catholic religion, 

monument *' *' . . 

of Christian " that persuade you to destroy the monument of Christian 
re igion. « communion, [i. e. the Common Prayer-book ?] Read or 
" hear the whole form of that service, judge of every word 
" and sentence, and then shall you see what comfort your 
508 " false deceivers have taken from you. Compare what good 
" you find in that, and what edifying in the contrary. 
" What sweetness it is to join with God's congregation, in 
" partaking of Christ's body and blood by means of the sa- 
" craments ; and what vanity, or rather sorrow, it is, to gaze 
" upon a thief, [the mass-priest,] that robbeth you of that 
" treasure, pretends to take it all himself, and holdeth up 
" that which he calleth a sacrament, as it were in insulta- 


" tion and triumph over your silly simplicity. Do but hear, CHAP. 
" read, and know the things that you yet despise, and I doubt . ^^* 

" not God's grace shall creep into you for your comfort. Anao 1 569. 

" Where, thirdly, you have raged against the marriage ill. 
" of God's ministers, behold your own madness. I hope 
" you be not all popish priests'" bastards, thus rebelliously 
" to rise for the honour of your false fathers. Do you 
" think all your popish priests to have lived chaste ? Know 
" you not their old incontinency, commonly misnamed lusti- 
" nessand good fellowship.? Remember the examples your- 
" selves. Is marriage worse than whoredom ? Was it not 
" by themselves taught to be a sacrament ? Is it not the 
" holy ordinance of God ? Is the marriage of yourselves 
" and your forefathers become uncleanness or displeasing 
" to God ? Think not so evil of yourselves. No, no, there 
" is another matter. You are beguiled, poor souls : look 
" home to your own beds. Preserve the cleanness and ho- 
" nesty of your own houses. This is a quarrel wholly like 
" the old rebels' complaint of enclosing of commons. Many 
" of your disordered and evil disposed wives are much ag- 
" grieved, that priests, which were wont to be common, be 
" now made several. Hinc illcB lachrymcB. There is grief 
" indeed, and truth it is, and so shall you find it. Few wo- 
" men storm against the marriage of priests, calling it un- 
" lawful, and incensing men against it, but such as have 
" been priests' harlots, or fain would be. Content your 
" wives yourselves, and let priests have their own. 

" And for whole [i. e. sound] religion, receive it as God Sound re- 
" hath taught it. Read his word: and for the delivery and^'^'""' 
" explication of it, it behoveth you, being no better clerks 
" than you are, to credit the whole parliament, the learned 
" clergy of the realm, and those that teach you by the 
" book of God ; and learn it in such sort and place as it 
" is to be taught. Your camp is no good school of divi- 
" nity. Your churches as they were reformed ; the word 
" of God read in such tongue as you understand it; the sa- 
" craments ministered to your comfort, in such sort as you 
" might feel the sense of them, and be edified by them ; 


CHAP. " the good example of your ministers living in holy matri- 
^' " mony with their own wives, and abstaining from yours ; 

Anno 1569. " their teaching you obedience, justice, and charity ; be the 
" means to learn truth. 

" Know of those that complain of the overthrowing of 
" that religion that liketh them, if ever they sought good 
" means to defend it, and were denied ; if ever they offered 
" conference, where it was meet, and were refused ; if ever 
" they maintained it, in place convenient, by the word of 
" God, and were not fully, truly, and charitably answered. 
" Think you her majesty and the wisest of the realm have 
" no care of their own souls, that have charge both of their 
" own and yours .? Think you, they would have entered 
599 " ^^^^ ^^^ troubles of changing religion, unless very true 
*' conscience, and zeal for all our souls, had enforced them.'* 
" God wot, you are deceived ; you are out of the way for 
" true understanding of religion ; you are out of the way 
" for true seeking it. And you are very far out of the way, 
" in thinking that your captains have any care of it. They 
" abuse you in this zeal. In the rest, they regard no reli- 
" gion, that go so irreligiously to work : all is but shows 
" and hypocrisy. They have frequented the service esta- 
" Wished by common authority : they have received God's 
" communion with his church : they have confessed it. 
" Which, if they had had the contrary religion to heart, 
" they would not, nor might have done ; unless they would 
" confess themselves such as you ought not to believe. But 
" the truth is, they knew, that for want of sufficient preach- 
" ing, and especially for want of grace to receive the truth 
" of God preached ; and partly also, for that long settled 
" error, even in men otherwise good and honest, that must 
" have their time of instruction and persuasion ; by these 
" means, I say, there be many yet within the realm not well 
" taught ; the multitude of which simple men they hoped 
" by this colour to ch*aw to the fellowship of their rebellion, 
*' and that way to have more help to shield themselves from 
" the power of justice," &c. 

Afterwards he proceeded to shew them the characters of 


their heads. What be your leaders? Your two carls, you CHAP, 
know well, are even of the meanest of all the nobility in ha- ' 

viour, credit, and power, to conduct you through so great Anno 1 569. 
and dangerous an enterprise. 

The one you see hardly beareth the countenance of his Eari of 
estate, with the small portion of that which his ancestors |^J^.j^j^j"^" 
sometime had. His daily sales and shifts for necessity, 
(even then when he had less charge than to maintain an 
army,) both in Sussex and elsewhere, are well known. 
Such power as he hath had and used in those parts about 
you, is to be ascribed to her majesty's authority, under 
whom he served, which now is bent against him. Other- 
wise, neither is his policy great to rule or redress a realm, 
nor yet to espy the true faults, much less the remedy ; an 
unfit judge of religion, and a very ill-chosen chastiser of dis- 
ordered life. 

The other, of no credit, no wisdom nor governance, no Earl of 
ability, no virtue. Who knoweth not the enormities of his ^^j*'^^°'" 
life, the indiscretion of ruling his own, the great lacks of 
debts wherein he is, by his own fault, endangered .'* The esti- 
mation of him, as of a contemned man, none otherwise re- 
garded, than for the namesake of honour, and some proba- 
bility that he might perhaps leave a better son to amend the 
estate of his house. Though his father were touched with 
many great faults, much noted in the world, (some whereof 
this gentleman hath, as by inheritance, received,) yet never 
did he so hurtful a deed, either to the commonwealth or to 
his own name and family, as when he begot so ungracious a 
son : even he, that never governed well himself, nor any 
thing that he had, whom no wise man, nor, I think, any of 
you, as mad as you be, would privately trust with ordering 
of a mean household, now must take in public charge the 
power of a shire or two, yea, of all the realm, if the rest 
would adventure as madly as you. For the cause of reli-^OO 
gion, did any man know, that ever he pretended any religion 
or conscience at all, till now he maketh an apish counterfeit- 
ing of feigned popish devotion ? And now yet by your good 
judgment, he that knoweth neither religion, faith, nor learn- 



CHAP, ing, must come to control the judgment, learning, and faith 
of the queen's majesty, her council, and all her clergy. 

Anno 1 56;). What mad absurdities are you run into, to believe so ap- 
parent untruths, dissimulations, and hypocrisies ! 

Their cap- The residue of your doltish captains, what be they ? 
Think you they be men able to bear you out against the 
power of a prince, all her nobility, cities, realm, subjects, 
friends, and allies ? One with little wit far set ; another in 
his old age, weary of his wealth ; another a runaway with a 
young wild brain, tickled to see fashions. Alas ! what be 
these to carry you through the serious, earnest, and danger- 
ous enterprise that you have in hand .'* 

Tiie Percys The names of Percys and Nevils have long been honour- 
■ able and well-beloved among you. Some of you and your 
forefathers have been advanced by them and their ancestors. 
Some perhaps be knights in kindred, some be tenants, some 
be servants, &c. Great things be these to move love and 
good neighbourhood ; and of great importance and efficacy 
to draw honest, true, and kindhearted men to stick to their 
lords and friends, in all wars against their prince''s enemies, 
and in all honest quarrels and perils. But small matters 
they be, yea, no causes at all, to draw any man to stand 
with any man in rebellions and treasons. Is Percy and 
Nevil more ancient, more beloved and dear unto you, than 
your natural, sovereign lady, the queen of England, yea, or 
England itself.^ Doth one small tenancy move you more 
than the holding of the whole realm ? Is not, in all your 
homages and fealties unto them, saved your faith and allegi- 
ance to your sovereign lady, &c. 

As I have compared your small duties pretended, to your 
great duties forsaken ; compare again your most due duties 
with your undue doings, &c. You have in your rebellious 
outrages committed many heinous and horrible facts ; you 
have destroyed the monuments of God's most holy commu- 
nion ; you have torn and defaced the sacred Bible of God's 
most holy word, the very pledge of your salvation ; you have 
presumed to alter the form of Christ's religion; you have, 
in dishonour of Christ's most blessed and only sufficient sa- 


orifice, set up the most abominable and blasphemous sacrifice CHAP, 
of the wicked mass ; you have committed unnatural and vile . 

cruelties upon God's ministers, and dispensers of God's mys- Anno 156.9. 
teries, and of the health of your souls ; you have defaced 
God's holy ordinance, whereby all mankind is preserved in 
chastity, and continued by lawful increase ; you have robbed 
your neighbours, spoiled and destroyed the queen's true 
subjects ; you have Avasted the provision for your wives and 
children ; you have undone yourselves. Trow you, this 
be your duty, either as Christian men. Englishmen, sub- 
jects, tenants, husbands, fathers, neighbours, yea, or natural 
men .'' 

And when you have done thus, think you to bear it thus^iie rebels' 
away .'' A piece of the bishopric of Durham and Richmond- 
shire containeth not all England. Your courage may be 
good; I wovdd it were employed to better causes. Your^Ol 
power is but small; you know you are but few, weak, un- 
armed, unfurnished to hold out, unlawfully called, unskil- 
fully guarded, slenderly headed, falsely abused, fondly 
blinded ; your captains not trusty to you, nor bound by 

any authority so to be Your succours fail you within 

and without ; your victuals in a barren place, not like long 
to endure ; the season hard, your lodgings incommodious, 
your households in peril of famine or destruction in your 
absence ; no store of armour, weapon, or munition ; your 
number of horse, though not now many, yet daily like to be 
fewer. Those necessaries that you have either for defence, 
invasion, or sustenance, being once spent, no way to recover 
more. One overthrow destroyeth you wholly. You have 
no means to repair your force: you are enclosed round 
about ; no refuge by land, no escape by sea. Are not you 
in a gay taking ? And this you know to be true. 

[Thus was their feeble condition set before them. Then The queen's 
on the other hand, for the queen's strength coming against strength. 
them.] The whole nobility for their duty, and the ra- 
ther, for revenge of the dishonourable spots and suspicions 
sprinkled upon them by your traitorous proclamations, is 



C H AP. earnestly bent to overthrow you. The whole number of her 
highnesses true subjects ready to die upon you. The number 

Anno 1 569. is great against you, infinitely exceeding your petit multitude. 
They be furnished of all things necessary, with a prince's 
store, and so great store as never had any of her ancestors ; 
weapons, armour, shot, powder, and all sorts of munition ; 
victuals abundance, choice of commodious strong holds; 
one knot of just authority, from which the power assembled 
cannot start nor sever; skilful captains, wise governors, 
orderly proceedings ; daily fresh succours at pleasure ; power 
to save and kill by law ; a wide and lai-ge realm gathered 
together ; the country round about within her obeisance ; a 
strong navy ; good and sure friends, even in the next foreign 
parts unto you. The very grounds, colours, and founda- 
tions of your enterprise be in her majesty's power. And in 
all necessities and misfortunes, army upon army to be new 
repaired, so as a few victories cannot suffice you. Finally, 
all advantages against you infinite, incomparable. Trow 
you, this match be well made ? &c. 
A second This notable book, addressed to the rebels, was seconded 

papists' in ^ by another soon after the rebellion was quelled, being, A 
the late re- ■warning ogninst the dangerous practices of the papists, 
and especially the partners of the late rebellion . It began 
The happy " The state of this realm considered, and especially such 
underThe" " accidcnts touching the same as late times have ministered, 
queen. '< do make it daily more and more evident, how precious 
" and how dear a jewel is the safety of the queen's most ex- 
*' cellent majesty, our most loving and beloved sovereign 
" lady. Compare the time of her most noble and gracious 
*' government with ages long ago past, and especially with 
" the miserable and dangerous days immediately preceding 
" her most happy and comfortable reign ; call to memory 
" the weakness and perils wherein the commonwealth stood 
" before her highness coming: to the crown ; weigh the be- 
O02 « nefits, bo^h bodily and ghostly, that the whole realm and 
*' all her subjects have, and do daily receive by her means ; 


"think upon the grievous and unspeakable miseries that CHAP. 
" we all shall belike to sustain by loss of her unvaluable. 

" presence. ^"'^'^ '''^• 

" It shall be plain, that he is wilfully blind that cannot 
" see ; he is wickedly malicious that will not acknowledge ; 
" he is obstinately stone-hearted that shall not with sorrow 
" and trembling deeply imprint in careful heart those mo- 
" tions and thoughts that such considerations shall lay be- 
" fore him. Remember the quiet of conscience, the comfort 
" of true servants of God, the freedom of the realm, the 
*' deliverance from foreign thraldom of souls, the escape of 
" the heavy yoke of strangers'" dominion, the recovery of 
" wealth, the benefit of peace, the common and egal distri- 
" bution of justice, the familiar cherishing of nobility, the 
" good preserving and love of the commonalty, the mutual 
*' and tender kindness at home, the amity and awe abroad, 
" the sweet enjoying of all these commodities. Match here 
" with the danger and fear of losing them," &c. 

Thus fully doth this tract begin to lay abroad before the 
people''s eyes the ample blessings of queen Elizabeth's reign ; 
and how many degrees it surmounted the former under her 
popish sister Mary. The discourse goeth on with the same 
life and quickness, shewing the mischiefs of popery, the 
treachery of papists, and many historical and political ob- 
servations; and seemeth to be writ by the former author, 
unless perhaps it be the pen and stroke of secretary Cecil, Cecil, 
who commonly framed occasional discourses upon more emi- 
nent occurrences in the state, and did as much by his writing 
as by his counsel. This advantage was taken by this dan- 
gerous and disloyal rebellion, to disparage popery, and the 
more to opdn the eyes of the people to beware of it, and to 
abhor it, and withal to be sensible of their present happiness 
under a protestant queen and government. I will there- 
fore, as I did with the former book, set down some of the 
more remarkable passages that I find herein. 

He observed, how at this time, and before, papists were Papists in 
frequent in church, in court, in place : writing thus : " Po- ^^[1^^ 
" pish priests, who sometimes triumphed that they were so 

z 3 




Anno 1569, 


Bad trust- 
ing papists' 

esteemed popish, and by that means got those things toge- 
ther, still enjoy the great ecclesiastical livings, without 
recantation or penance ; yea, and in simoniacal heaps ca- 
thedral churches are stuffed with them, as dens of thieves. 
They are in offices ; the meaner sort depend upon them ; 
and partly by example, partly by common desire to creep 
into favour of their superiors, and partly also for that the 
great ones are loath to have others about them, are peril- 
ously infected. The very spies and promoters of queen 
Mary's time, without change of their opinions, are che- 
rished, and mark men against another day. Mercy may 
have her excess, and clemency may be great cruelty, 
when it overfloweth to the good man''s danger.'" And a 
ttle before : " The licentiousness of papists'" speech is great. 
They dare do and say they care not what: they have 
their assemblies and ordinary conferences together ; their 
lewd and seditious books, and such courage as the truer 
sort of her majesty's part are overcrowed, as the good 
preachers daily complain, &c. 

" If any of this part [i. e. protestants] have been seduced 
by papists, as perhaps there be, error I hope it was, and 
not malice. And as it was error, so it is meet to be for- 
saken, as error I mean ; and not only forsaken in pursu- 
ing, but also in defending, succouring, pacifying, and 
helping. For let such make their account to find no true 
defence, mercy, nor kindness in papists, when they get 
above, howsoever their present turn be served. Too late 
shall they wish for the good prince, whom their own 
follies shall have lost. Let them remember the policy of 
Charles [the emperor] used with Maurice and others, for 
assurance of religion against the confederates of Smalcald. 
Let them remember the Fremingham promises [of queen 
Mary to the Suffialk men, who had assisted her in gaining 
her crown,] for not altering of religion. Let them re- 
member, that the very promisers either indeed shall not 
be able, or will be glad to say they are not able, to keep 
promise with them. Or, if they would fain keep pro- 
mise, they may hap to be sent after their predecessors. 


" [As king Edward was supposed to be despatched.] Let CHAP. 
" them remember the keeping of edicts and the word of a 

" king in other places, [meaning the French king's truces Amio 1569. 

" with the prince of Conde and the Hugonots, broken as 

" soon as made,] by means of persons somewhat allied, 

" [1. e. the Guises, fatal enemies to the protestants.] Let 

" them remember that themselves shall not dare to challenge 

" such promises, no more than the crane his reward for 

" pulling the bone out of the wolf's throat. Let them re- 

" member that they shall have to do with such as Uiink not 

" themselves bound to keep faith with them, nor any of our 

*' side, and can have any dispensation at their pleasure." 

And then reflecting upon the late rebellion, the writer The rebel- 

ii- 1 1 11 ''"" trtvour- 

shewed how favourable it proved to the queen, as tnougn ai,ie to the 
God above had ordered every circumstance to her advan- 'i^'^e'i. 
tage. " God hath so guided the success of this late rebcl- 
" lion, as if he should have said to her majesty, Lo ! daugh- 
" ter, although necessity of mine ordinance, and the dispo- 
" sition of things for my glory, (which shall be in the end 
*' also your benefit,) be such as there must be a traitorous 
" rebellion in your realm, yet this I will do for you. You 
" shall understand it in time : you shall have the means, 
" whereby they should accomplish their intent, in your own 
" power : you shall make your own match : you shall have 
" the choice to name the parties yourself, that shall be the 
" leaders and doers of it, even the weakest of credit, wit, 
" and power, that you can choose to withstand you : you 
" shall choose the time when they shall attempt it, the 
" most unseasonable for them, either to proceed in their 
" own doings together, or for having aid to resort to them 
" either of foreign enemies or domestical traitors : you shall 
" choose the place where you would have it begun ; such as 
" lieth best for danger of contagion of others, easiest for 
*' yourself to enclose, hardest for your enemies to come to, 
" [i. e. either the French or Spaniard, situate southwardly 
" from them in the north,] and nearest bordering upon 3' our 
" best foreign friends, [i. e. the Scots.] They sliall want 
*' furniture ; yourself shall have abundance. Your good 

z 4 



Anno 1569. 


What be- 
came of the 
earl of 

Stat. Eng- 
lish Fugi. 
tives, p.l 1. 

" and true counsellors shall nobly and truly stand by you. 
" Your nobility shall be provoked to revenge the dishonour 
" and slanderous suspicions thrown upon them by the re- 
" bels ; [giving out in their declarations as though the nobles 
"favoured them;] and thereby shall have cause to strive 
*' who may best serve you. Your good subjects shall every 
" way shew their zeal in your service. Your poor clergy 
*' shall pour out their devout prayers for you, and I will 
*' hear them. I will guide the success to your victory. 
" Your enemies shall be so snared, as, the victory well fol- 
*' lowed, the treason well examined, the faulty well removed, 
" the root well and clean hewed up, you may sit free from 
" traitors while you live ; and your good and true coun- 
" sellors and subjects may be set in safe ability, and encou- 
" raged to serve you truly, and stand fp,ithfully and boldly 
" by you." 

Now if we inquire what became of these two unhappy 
earls, the chief ringleaders of this disturbance, one of them 
was taken and executed, as our histories will tell us ; the 
other, viz. Westmorland, after his ill success, made a shift 
to fly into Flanders, and there was harboured ; and at 
length, for his good service to his country, got a pension of 
200/. a year from the king of Spain, to maintain him ; and 
afterwards obtained to be colonel to a runaa-ate Enolish re- 
giment in Flanders: which regiment was, after some time, 
deservedly cashiered by the Spaniard, to whom they de- 
serted. And to shew how little both the earl and the rest 
of the English captains of the regiment were regarded, the 
commissary, a Spaniard, who came to cashier them, took 
away violently certain new and fair ensigns, which the cap- 
tains had bought and made with their own monies, from 
them that carried them, and that in the presence of the earl 
their colonel. And for a greater disgrace both to him and 
the rest, when he and captain Tresham, with the other cap- 
tains, complained to the duke of Parma, and desired redress, 
they could not obtain it ; and the Spaniard that had them 
made his brags, that he had turned the English ensigns into 
Spanish Jield-beds. And though the earl got to be colonel 


to the said regiment, yet there was a Spaniard joined with CHAP, 
him as his assistant, or radier as master and conmiander 

over him and the regiment. ^^""o '''^^• 

And to relate another passage of this earl, shewing as The earl 
well his dissolute as unhappy life, as though judgment fol- ^,1^ je"t h of 
lowed him. A quarrel happened about some frivolous mat- one of his 
ter between him and one Taylor, a captain ot one ot his 
companies, as they were both riding home from a treat, at 
which they had drunk hberally. The earl being in great 
passion, light down from his horse, drew his sword, and 
bade captain Taylor do so. But he, knowing how ex- 
tremely the law there determined of him that should draw 
his sword against his colonel, put spurs to his horse, and 
galloped home to his lodging. This the earl interpreted a 
scorn, and in great choler mounted again, and rid after him, 
even to the door of his lodging. This indignity the other 
not able to endure, drew his rapier likewise, and encoun- 
tered him, and, after some thrusts, ran the earl very danger- 
ously into his breast. At which instant, a Spaniard, accom- 
panied with many soldiers of the earPs company, came 
running, and environed Taylor on all sides, and most cruelly 005 
murdered him Avith above twenty wounds. But upon com- 
plaint made of this matter, and the earnest suit of the other 
companies, the earl (who indeed was the cause of all) was 
banished the regiment for a time by the duke of Parma, and 
the government thereof given to an Italian. And in this 
sort of dissolute as well as needy life the earl lived for 
many years, and ended his family, being the last earl of 
Westmorland of that family. 

With the earl fled also into the king of Spain's do- 
minions others of the traitors ; as the Dacres, the Tempests, 
the Nortons, the Nevyls, the Markenfields ; some whereof 
had likewise small pensions allowed them, and they but 
illy paid. 

Besides this insurrection in the north, another rebellion Another in- 

._, ., 1111 1 surrection 

was peeping forth this year m Sunolk, and looked very dan- intended in 
gerous. Of which, especially because Camden maketh no*^"*^""^* 
mention at all of it in his history of queen Elizabeth, take 


CHAP, this account from a letter wrote by a certain nameless per- 
son to sir James a Croft, his friend and kinsman. " For 


Anno 1569. " our home-matters, here hath been the beginning of an in- 
Titus^fi'^a " s"^'*6ction in Suffolk, who were very mean personages, 
" and should have assembled at Bccklesworth fair. But 
" what by the general search throughout England, wherein 
" were found about 13,000 masterless men, and by the 
" apprehension of the principal parties beforehand, the 
" matter was wisely foreseen, and the head of a further 
" and more general mischief cut off in time. Their co- 
" lour was against the multitude of strangers and foreign 
" artificers, by whose number and faculties the natural sub- 
"ject was oppressed, they said. But their intent was 
" plainly, as the custom is, to have spoiled all the gentle- 
'' men and worthy personages that they might overtake ; 
*' beginning with sir Ambrose German, and so marching 
" towards London, to have provoked with this example the 
" whole realm to the like uproar. 

*' Two things more are reported ; that a certain tinker 
" should have been intercepted at the seaside, seeking pas- 
" sage with certain letters in the double bottom of a kettle. 
" And the other, that one Mullins, an Englishman, and his 
" companion, was taken with a commission from king Philip 
" to serve by seas against all heretics and enemies to the see 
" of Rome, exempting none. This was the dangerous con- 
*' dition of this kingdom this year by papists." 
Reports and Upon this rebellion, and reports and jealousies, that the 
oTtheTe^n- S^'^^^T were generally affected secretly towards popery, and 
t'^y- that there was now great tampering to dissuade people from 

coming to church; I find two things done about this time, 
the one relating to the justices of peace, the other to the gen- 
tlemen of the inns of court. 
Subscrip- -'^or it was now required by letters sent from the privy 
tions requir- council to the Several sheriffs of the counties, and other chief 
justices. men there, that all such as were in the commission of the 
peace in all shires and counties of England, should subscribe 
their names to an instrument, professing their conformity 
and obedience to the act of parliament for tcni/brmifi/ in 

seized at 
the seaside 


religion, and for due resorting to the parish churches to CHAP, 
hear common prayer tliere. Several of the instruments are . 

still extant in the paper-house, so signed by the justices of Anno 1 569. 
many or most of the counties, as Wilts, Cornwall, Devon, |[*P^^" 
Hereford, Hampshire, Somerset, Suffolk, Norfolk, Middle- gQg 
sex, Essex, Warwick, Dorset, &c. Which subscriptions 
were made in the months of November and December, and 
sent up signed with their letters, giving account and in- 
formation of what was done. 

One of these papers ran in this tenor ; " Our humble 
" duties remembered unto your lordships. This is to sig- 
*' nify to the same, that we, whose names are by ourselves 
" underwritten, do acknowledge, that it is ourbounden duty 
" to observe the contents of the act of parliament, entitled, 
" An act for the umformiiy of the common prayer and ser- 
" vice in the churchy and the administration of the sacra- 
" ments. And for observation of the same law, we do hereby 
" firmly promise, and every of us and our families will and 
" shall repair and resort, at all times convenient, to our own 
" parish churches, and upon reasonable impediment to other 
" usual chapels and places for the same common prayers ; 
" and there shall devoutly and duly hear, and take part of 
" the same common prayers, and all other divine service. 
" And shall also receive the holy sacrament from time to 
" time, according to the tenor of the said act of parliament. 
" Neither shall any of us that hath subscribed, do or say, or 
" assent, or suffer any thing to be done or said by our pro- 
" curement or allowance, in contempt, lack, or reproof of 
" any part of religion established by the foresaid act. In wit- 
" ness whereof we have subscribed this pi*esent writing." 

The bishop of Winchester and some justices in Hamp- informa- 
shire, together with their paper oi subscription, sent tneir .,fl,.gj.gj 
letter to the council, shewing how some refused to subscribe, persons m 
and others would not be found out by the constable. And 
that there were divers persons within that country of great 
livelihood, credit, and estimation, neither presently nor here- 
tofore in commission, vehemently to be suspected of con- 
tempt of her majesty ''s proceedings, although divers of them 


CHAP, might seem to cover their liypocrisy. They thought it also 

!___ their duty to manifest the same unto their honours : and 

Anno 1 569. beseeched, if their wisdoms thought fit, to direct unto them 
another letter of the like effect to the former ; and to au- 
thorize them to deal generally with all, as they had already 
in commandment especially to deal with some. Whereby 
they should doubtless discover a great many, which other- 
wise might continue as they did, and had done. This was 
dated November the 28th. 
Justices in And in Worcestershire, the bishop there, in December 
shire. 1569, gave this account of the justices; " That sundry 

" justices there had not yet subscribed, which thing to 
*' avoid suddenly, some of them went out of the country. 
" He added, that it would give great offence, and much 
" hinder the cause, except they were in short time com- 
" pelled to do as others had done ; and that more gave 
" their hands than their hearts, and might say with Euripi- 
" des, Lingua juravi^ mentem injui-atam gcro!'^ 
The coun- The letter from the council for Essex (besides H. Gold- 
for Essex!* ^"§' ^^^^ ^^'8'^^ sheriff) Avas directed to Robert lord Rich, John 
, Darcy, Thomas Smith, G. NycoUs, and the lord Morley ; 
who, in their answer to the council, shewed, that when the 
Lord Mor- said lord Morley (who appeared with the rest of them at 
^^* f{a^ Chelmsford) was required to subscribe, he made answer, 
that, perusing the letter first, he perceived by the superscrip- 
tion, that the letter was to the sheriff and justices of peace, 
wherein he supposed the nobility were not comprehended. 
And further, that he saw knights and those under knights 
were mentioned ; but of the nobility no word spoken : 
whereby he did gather, it was not their honours' mind to 
touch lords. But that if he might be certified by her ma- 
jesty, or the lords of the council, that it were their minds, 
he doubted not to make such answer as they should be con- 
tented with. This seems to be the handsome evasion of this 
lord, who (if I mistake not) was a papist. 
Informa- The said high sheriff's account sent up to the council was, 

Essex. " That all the justices of Essex had subscribed, according 
" to a direction given forth in all parts of the county, to 


*' come to Chelmsford. And when all appeared not at first, CHAP. 
" afterwards the rest did, saving such as either by good re- 

port were known to be sick, or else were attendant at the-^""** '^^^' 
" court, who were to the number of eleven, besides the 
" bailiffs and justices of the town of Maiden. Neverthe- 
" less, they that were at the first and second meeting, as 
" also all the other, which were not in state to be at either of 
" them, had in fine, in the presence of four, three, or two 
" justices, that were at the two first meetings, willingly and 
" dutifully subscribed to the instrument, saving Thomas 
" Powle, esq. who was still at his house at London, or at- 
" tendant at covirt."" So generally well affected to religion, 
it seems, was our county of Essex about this time, being in- 
fluenced no doubt by sir Anth. Cook, sir Tho. Smith, sir 
Tho. Mildmay, eminent courtiers, and some others living in 
the county. 

Now as for the gentlemen of the inns of court, as many Gentlemen 
of them were justly suspected, so several of them were [|j: ^.^^i."*"* 
brought before the ecclesiastical commissioners, and exa- disaffected. 
mined upon three points: first, for their coming to service; 
secondly, for their receiving the communion ; and thirdly, 
for their hearing of mass ; which had been privately said at 
the temple. How guilty they were may be guessed by the 
shifting answer some of them made to the first inquiry ; say- 
ing, *' They came to the temple church upon Sundays and 
" holydays ; meaning no more, than that they came and 
*' walked about the roundel there."" 

When the former tumults and dangers were pretty well Some sec- 
over, the queen, in thankful acknowledgment to God for^,j^,jgjj " j'_ 
these deliverances, began to apply herself to do some fur- tans, 
ther service for religion, and to reform what was still amiss 
in the church. This some sectaries took hold of, to unsettle 
many things lately established in the church, and to bring 
others in their stead. The church of England's peace and 
unity was lately disturbed by reason of the habits required 
to be worn of all ministers, as we have heard ; soon after, 
another sort, or rather a rank of the same sort, arose, that 
were not satisfied with the reformation of this church, but 



Anno 1569. 
Vid. Camd. 
Eliz. sub 
anno 1568. 


Tho. Cart- 

letter for 

MSS. Ce- 

would have it reformed again hy the word of God, as they 
urged, disliking the discipline and government and ceremo- 
nies of it, so far forth as it varied from some of the churches 
abroad ; and out of a great admiration chiefly of that at 
Geneva, crying out to have our church framed according to 
their model. These were men of more zeal than knowledge ; 
who afterwards, throughout the queen's reign, were the 
causes of great differences and discords among the queen's 
protestant subjects; and at length of separation and with- 
drawing in many places from the public worship, and set- 
ting up new disciplines and presbyteries among themselves. 
These were those they called j9wri tow*. They set out many 
books of their discipline ; the chief of their writers was Tho. 
Cartwright, who was fully and learnedly answered, and our 
church, as it stood, vindicated, by Dr. AVhitgift. But to go 
back again to this present year. One of the first of whom I 
have been speaking of, thinking to take some advantage of 
the queen's pious inclinations, now writ an earnest letter to 
the secretary, to use his interest for such a new reformation 
as before was spoken of: his name was Christopher Foster, 
alias Colman, intending well, but of little learning, for he 
scarce wrote true Eno-lish. This letter being one of the first 
writings of this sort I meet with, I think it not amiss to in- 
sert the tenor thereof. 

*' Grace and peace with all heavenly and spiritual feeling 
'' be with your honour for ever. 

" Right honourable, after most humble and lowly wise 
" my duty considered : upon certain occasions offered of 
" late which I heard, that the queen's majesty and the ho- 
" nourable council is well bent to have a good reformation, 
" according to God's word, which will be no small comfort 
" to many a thousand good and godly hearts ; which will 
'' bring no small peace and quietness to the church, love and 
" unity among brethren, which long hath been at varying, 
" for the miss thereof, and because men's inventions have 
" not been subject to God's word. 

" Right honourable, I write in zeal, and love hath com- 
" pelled me out of a simple heart ; praying your honour. 


"that ye will not be offended with nothing; beseeching CHAP. 
" God to make your honour zealous in promoting hereafter. 

" The godly prophets have been many times ignorant of Anno 1669. 

" God's will, and have done things of their own affection. 

" As when David asked Nathan of the building of the tem- 

" pie, the prophet, knowing that he was a godly king, and 

" that God did prosper him in many things, bade him 

" do what his heart thought good, yet after forbade him. 

" Affain, Samuel would have anointed the eldest son of 

" Saul, [surely he meant Jesse.] Even so the prophet told 

" Ezechias, that he should die : yet afterwards he came 

" asain, and told him that he should live. It is the nature 

" of the godly, when they know further of God's will re- 

" vealed, they are not ashamed to tell it, and amend it. 

" The Lord knoweth what great imperfection is in the 

" holiest. Da\ad had a great zeal in bringing home the 

" ark, yet he failed in the means. Gideon made an ephod ; 

" it was the destruction of his house. Uzzah, in touching 

" the ark, did not well ; for God will not have man's devices 

" in his business, but obedience to his word. Jeroboam's 

" policy in setting up the calves, the Lord despised it. The 

" altar that Achaz would have in Samaria, it was to garnish 

" the temple ; and a fairer altar than the first was a jolly 

" show for worldly men, desiring always outward things to 

" please their senses. Manasses builded a new altar, and 609 

*' was reproved for it. 

" The more God openeth unto us his will, the more is 
" our frowardness to attempt any thing against it. It is a 
" great blindness that godly preachers and Englishmen 
" shall cease preaching, unless they will obey traditions, 
" which he desireth not [being] of the flesh, [and] is very 
" pernicious ; and it springe th of too much of worldly wis- 
" dom. It is best when all laws have their foundations out 
" of the scriptures. Disposures [meaning perhaps disap- 
" pointments] and crosses are very grievous to the flesh, 
" when they are pondered by themselves. And who is 
" more subject to them than the Christians ? But when 


CHAP. " they are conferred with the anger of God and everlasting 
^^" " death, then it is but small. 

Anno 1569. " It is good for rulers to be in the church, and the chief 
" thereof; but not above, for that bclongeth to Christ. 
" The house of God hath been long a building, yet far 
*' from finishing : the Lord be merciful unto us. Your 
" honour doth know the great lets thereof; the Lord give 
" you grace to help it. For good reformation will be the 
" chiefest stay that ye shall long enjoy your estate and ho- 
" nour; otherwise it will be your overthrow. The Lord 
" grant us that the church may be swept clean according to 
" God's holy word ; that it may be once comparable to the 
" best reformed churches. The Lord work in your ho- 
" nour's heart thereto ; for now God hath given great occa- 
" sions, that in his rich mercy, and for the love he beareth 
*' always to his church, hath overthrown all the devices, 
" conspiracies of the wicked papists, unnatural papists and 
" monsters, that had lost the knowledge both of God, 
" their prince, and country : the Lord give them better 
" grace. 

" Now seeing God hath so visited us in love, the Lord 
" give his holy Spirit always to the queen's majesty and to 
" the honourable council, to visit the land again with a 
" good reformation according to his holy word : that his 
*' grace and favour may continue with us for ever, &c. 
" Yours most humble in the Lord, 

" Christopher Foster, alias Colman." 

I set down this letter at large, that men may see the cant 
of these men, what they would have, and how weak their 
arguments and examples from the word of God were, how- 
ever they talked so much of it. 

At the conclusion of this year of the queen, and upon her 
entrance upon her twelfth, she was saluted with a copy of 
elegant verses made by Tho. Wylson, LL. D. a learned 
man, and master of St. Katharine's, London, and afterwards 
secretary of state. 


Ad sacyatissimam EUzahctham Dei gi'atia, Anglicc, Fran- CHAP. 
cice, et Hyhernlai^ reginam^ jidei defensorem^ S^c. Thomoi ^^• 
Wilsoni epigramma in duodccimum annum regni ejusdem Anno 1569, 
regmce, xvii. Novembr. 1569- 61O 

Ecce ! duodeciiiius regni nunc incipit annus ; 

Quern tibi, quern regno det Deus esse sacrum. 
Hactenus est series felix, talisque videtur 

Qualis in Elysiis dicitur esse locis. 
Quae superest series sit par, vel laetior esto, 

Si modo fata dari prosperiora queant. 
Talis es, ut merito valeas, regnesque beata, 

Regno nempe tuo stella salutis ades. 
Nescio si dea sis, mihi numen habere videris, 

Tarn bene nos Anglos diva benigna regis. 
Quod si sola potes sine sensu vivere mortis, 

Sola sis, aeternum vivere digna solo. 
Sed licet ex coelo es, mortali in corpore vivis, 

Ortaque temporibus, tempore cuncta cadunt. 
Pignore sed vives ter felix mater adulto. 

Sic potes aeternum vivere diva, vale. 


This a, year of danger. Bullinger answers the pope''s hull 
against the queen. She sends an army against Scotland. 
Seditious books dispersed by the rebels. A libel J'rom 
Scotland. Proclamation against the rebels abiding there. 
A rebellion hatching in Norfolh^ discovered. JeioeVs De- 
Jcnce, a second edition, comes forth ; and Demosthenes'' $ 
orations in English, by Dr. Wylson ; seasonably in re- 
spect of king Philip. 

N't E are now arrived to the twelfth year of the queen's Anno 1570. 
reign ; a year of extreme danger and apprehension to the Ti>is a dan- 

1 1 111- 1 gerous year. 

queen and to the whole Kmgdom. 

For this year the Spaniard sent great store and provision 
of arms and ammunition into Scotland. This year the bi- 



CHAP, shop of Ross, a busy stirring factor for the queen of Scots, 
^^^' .stirred up that king, the French king, and the pope, to 

Anno 1670. rescue her by force and invasion. This year Pius V. caused 
a bull (more privately sent about 1569) to be publicly set 
up in London against the queen ; which was daringly done 
by one Felton upon the bishop of London's palace gates. 
6l 1 In which bull the pope deprived her of all tide to her king- 
doms, and absolved her subjects from their oath of allegi- 
ance, and charged them not to obey her upon pain of his 
curse and excommunication. This year a new rebellion was 
ready to break out in Norfolk, had it not been timely dis- 
covered and prevented : for which several lost their lives. 
And the papists this year were full of confident expectation 
of their golden day, as they termed it : and divers wizards 
predicted strange things in their behalf. And in the con- 
clusion of this twelfth year of the queen, when these threat- 
ening dangers were blown over, and the queen and the realm 
still safe, it was thought convenient that there should be a 
public thanksgiving celebrated, and sermons in churches, 
ringing of bells, tilting, with all the extraordinary signs of 
The i7thofjoy and triumph. This was done on the 17th day of No- 
November vember, being the day of her entrance on her kingdom. 

from hence- ' , , ,. , i • i, 

forth ceie- And from this twelfth year of the queen, the nation began 

^7m\^ yearly to keep that same day with solemnity during her 

long reign. And which was continued indeed long after, 

even to our times, and was called by some the birthday of 

the gospel. 

Buiiinger But to take up particulars as we go. The queen, while 

answers the ^|^ ^j^^g threatened round about her, stood upon her own 

bull against " & i i i m i 

the queen, guard as Well as she could. As for the pope s bull, that re- 
ceived a complete and learned answer by the wise and grave 
divine Henry Bullinger, chief minister of Zurich; wherein 
he undertook the defence of the orthodox queen and the 
whole realm : which, when he had finished it, he sent into 
Cox's letter England. Cox, bishop of Ely, hereupon Avrote him a letter : 
thereupon, therein he attributed this his confutation of the bull to his 
love to England, abhorrence of the thing itself, and his most 



ardent zeal for truth. He told him, that the queen should CHAP. 

know his good-will to her and her kingdom ; and that he 

would take care that she, who well understood both Latin Anno 1570. 
and Greek, should take a pleasant taste of his book ; and 
that he would procure it to be printed. Thus amicably 
and gratefully did this letter of bishop Cox to Bullinger on 
this occasion run. This letter will be found in the second 
Appendix, as it was transcribed from the original in the li- H. 
brary at Zurich. 

It was thought fit indeed by the bishops, that it should be Consuita- 
seen by the queen before they proceeded to publish it: for ,,' "int^ng'lt, 
it was doubted (such was the disposition of some of the 
court at this time) whether it would be allowed to go abroad. 
And so archbishop Grindal consulted with the other arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, in a letter from Cawood, August 28, 
1571, signifying to him, that he stood in doubt, whether 
the queen and her council would be contented that this book 
of Bullinger's were published in Latin or English, or both : 
because possibly they would not have the multitude to know 
that any such vile, railing bull had passed from that see ; 
and so asked his opinion about it. But upon deliberation, 
the printing of it was permitted : for there would be copies 
enough of the bull dispersed to make it known ; and there- 
fore it was needful to have an answer dispersed also in the 
queen's vindication. Which came forth in the year 1571, 
that is, after it had lain near a year in England. 

This bull of Pius V. some of the bishops, Bullinger's vindicates 
former acquaintance, when they were exiles, had sent him, ^nd her 
and put him, as it seems, upon this work of answering it. ^"gdom. 
Which when he had finished, he conveyed it over to them ; "^-^ 
who were Grindal, Cox, and Jewel ; and to whom he writ 
the epistle dedicatory, telling them therein, that they had 
given him the occasion of doing, or at least endeavouring, 
something for the glory of Christ our redeemer, and for the 
safety of that church of theirs in England against the Ro- 
man antichrist ; and so leaving what he had writ to their 
good pleasures, to do with it as they should think fit. They 
soon caused it to be printed, bearing this title, BullcE pa~ 

A a 2 


CHAP. pisticcB ante biennium contra sereniss. Anglice, Fraticice, et 
^^^* Hiberni(E, reginam EUzabetham, et contra hiclytum AnglicE 

Aano\ 57 o.regnum promnlgat<B, rejidatio, orthodox ocque reg'ince et 
universi regni AngUcB defensio. Printed by John Day, 
1571. In this confutation, after the learned man had in se- 
veral chapters confuted the pretences of the pope to his ex- 
travagant jurisdiction and plenary power of universal bishop, 
vainly displayed in the said bull, he came more particularly 
to defend the qvieen and the kingdom of England from the 
slanders, falsehoods, and unworthy imputations cast upon 
both. As, that she was not monstrously called (as the bull 
expressed it) the supreme head of the church of England : 
and that the queen, and likewise every civil magistrate, did 
not monstrously decree concerning causes of the church, nor 
monstrously took or managed the care of ecclesiastical affairs, 
deposed bad bishops, and substituted better. And that she 
chose not to have the opinions of men followed by herself 
and her kingdom, but the pure word of God, heretofore re- 
ceived by king Edward VI. Nor that she had appointed 
impious rites and institutions, as the said bull charged her. 
But that, as the reformation of the church of England was 
effected according to the rule and prescription of the holy 
scriptures, by the pains and piety of blessed king Edward, 
(which for a little while was abolished by queen Mary,) so 
queen Elizabeth fully restored it again. And that she 
therefore received, and delivered to her subjects nothing else 
to observe, than what her brother of holy memory before 
had piously and prudently, out of the word of God, judged 
fit to be received and believed, and so to be delivered to his 
people. For that king, having called together to London 
all the chief nobility, bishops, and doctors, out of the whole 
kingdom, admitting also among them very eminent doctors 
of other nations, being the servants of God, commanded 
that they should shew him, out of the holy scriptures, what 
he and his kingdom, in so great a diversity of opinions, 
should follow. And that they, faithfully discharging the 
trust committed to them by the king, drew up and framed 
certain heads [or articles] at that time unanimously, out of 


the word of God. Which the king; both received, and with- CHAP. 

. . LVI. 

out delay set forth, under this title, Articuli de guibus, kc. 

i. e. Articles, concernhig ■which, in a synod held at London, ^^"°° ^^'^°- 
anno 1559., for the taking away difference of opinions, and 
establishing consent of true religion, it was agreed between 
the bishops and other learned men : published by the lcing''s 
authority. Whence it was most manifest, that all those 
things were false and feigned, which the lying bull declared 
of impious mysteries, odiously inserting the name of Calvin, 
[namely, that they were entertained by the queen according 6 1 3 
to his prescript,] received by the queen, and enjoined upon 
her kingdom. 

Nor did she propound heretical books, nor obtruded 
them upon all her people. For she propounded no books 
but those which the king her brother had commanded to be 
set before the people; the chief of which was the sacred 
volume of the Bible. But if the bull meant the Book of 
Public Prayers and Ceremonies of the Church of England, 
it ought to have been shewn Avhat heresies were contained 
in it. That the synod of London mentioned before, made 
honourable mention of it. Nor would there be wanting men 
to answer the charge of any heresies that might be pointed 
out in that book, if the bull indeed spake of it. 

That whereas the bull further charged the queen to have 
cast the catholic bishops and other rectors of churches out 
of their bishoprics and livings ; and thrust them into pri- 
sons, where many of them ended their lives in sorrow ; Bul- 
linger in reply mentioned how cruel they had been, while 
they were in power, against the confessors of Christ ; and 
how obstinately they adhered to idolatry, and the idol of 
Rome, to whom they had bound themselves by oath : what 
most pernicious and manifest errors they had defended; 
and what implacable enemies they were to the truth of the 
gospel. So that the queen could not make use of their 
pains ; nor ought she to wink at the snares and ill endea- 
vours of those rebels, since she was minded to promote and 
conserve the peace of her kingdom, the safety of her people, 
and the progress of the gospel. 

A a 3 


CHAP. I may subjoin, tliat there were but two of these ejected 
bishops that died under restraint before the pubhcation of 

Anno 1570. this bull ; viz. Boner, who died a few months before in the 
Marshalsea : but lived there plentifully, and wanted for no- 
thing ; had the liberty of the garden to take the air, and 
his friends had free access to him. The other bishop was 
Tonstal, who died at Lambeth, having been treated by 
archbishop Parker there with all respect, and died very 

Bullingcr again justified the queen, that she did aright in 
commanding her subjects not to acknowledge the Roman 
church, nor to obey its commands ; and by an oath com- 
pelled them to abjure the authority and obedience of the 
pope of Rome : which was another of the crimes the bull 
laid to her charge. And lastly, that the qvieen was not an 
heretic ; and therefore not struck with any curse, nor yet * 
rent from the unity of Christ's body, as the bull thimdered. 

The queen The queeu, for her further security after the defeat of 

S6nds ciii 

army the rebellion the last year, and this anathematizing bull, 

vTr^^d ^^^^ obliged to send an army towards Scotland, whither 
many of the rebels were fled, and where they were har- 
boured, to reduce them, and to awe the Scots that favoured 
them. Bvit this looking like an invasion of that kingdom, 
she issued out a declaration to vindicate this her doing, and 
to assure that nation of her favour and friendship. It was 
Herdecia- entitled, A declaration of the just ^honour able, and neces- 
she did so. ^^'^'U cttuses, that movc the queeii's majesty to levy and send 
an army to the borders of Scotland, rvith the assurance of 
her intention to continue the peace roith the croton and quiet 
6l 4 subjects of the said realm qfScotla?id. The substance of it 
was; " That she doubted not but that it was notorious to 
*' all persons of understanding, both in England and Scot- 
" land, in what sort certain of her rebellious subjects fled into 
" Scotland, and there were maintained, kept, and favoured 
*' in the continuance of their rebellious enterprises. That 
" by succour of outlaws, thieves, and disordered persons, 
" living upon the frontiers of Scotland, (with whom they 
" had former intelligence to begin and prosecute their re- 


" bellion,) they entered and invaded sundry places of Eng- CHAP. 
" land, their native country, and that with fire and sword : 

that no conjured or mortal enemies could have done ^""o '570. 
" more. That she understood, a great part of the ancient 
" nobility and states of Scotland had of long time, like na- 
" tural good fathers and members of their native country, 
" nourished peace and concord between both realms, and at 
" this present were desirous mth all their powers to con- 
" serve the same their native country in common peace 
" among themselves. But that they were not able for the 
" present, according to justice and the good orders of the 
" treaties, speedily to repress and stay the said outlaws and 
" disordered persons upon the borders, from open mainte- 
*' nance of the said English rebels, and from the invasion 
" of England. For that during the life of the regent ^, the ^ The earl 
" realm of Scotland was free from a multitude of calamities" ' ^"'^y- 
" now incident thereto : but since his horrible murder, 
" other persons of mean calling took their commodity by 
*' his death ; and as it seemed, unnaturally envying the 
" continuance of the common peace between both nations, 
" and being infected with private, ambitious, and unquiet 
" humours, stirred up certain factions of great troubles 
" within the bowels of their country : and thereby gave 
" comfort both to the English rebels and Scotch outlaws 
" and thieves, to continue in their wickedness and dis- 
" orders. 

" That the queen had some doubt hereupon, that these 
" authors and stirrers of these wicked enterprises would 
" not spare to slander and falsely report her majesty's in- 
" tent in levying and sending certain forces to her bor- 
" ders, for defence of the same from any further invasion, 
" and to pursue according to justice her rebellious subjects. 
" That therefore such as were noble, wise, and godly, 
" should not judge otherwise hereof, than in former times 
" she had given just cause to be thanked and praised im- 
" mortally. When with her army certain years past, being 
" entered into the heart and principal towns, ports, and 
" strength of that realm, she, as was manifest to the world, 

A a 4 



Anno 1570. 


never sought or coveted any particular interest in that 
realm for herself, as she easily might ; but to her great 
charges delivered and made free that realm from the yoke 
of foreign forces, [the French,] wherewith the same was 
then oppressed, as the whole nation did then lament. A 
princely act ! worthy of thankful memory of all good and 
natural people of that realm, to be left to their posterity 
to behold. 

" That yet, because the simple people, that are commonly 
easily seduced by the craftier sort, should not any ways 
fear any evil or harm to follow to the good people of the 
country, or to the public state of that crown, by the 
army now to be conducted towards that realm, her ma- 
jesty thought fit to publish to all manner of persons her in- 
tention and plain meaning herein. Therefore, in the word 
of a prince, she assured all manner of persons that her 
intent and meaning was to treat all the subjects of Scot- 
land as lovingly and peaceable as her own ; except- 
ing only notorious outlaws, thieves, enemies, and peace- 
breakers, who lately with her rebels invaded and spoiled 
her realm, and such other of the nation as should support 
and maintain her rebels, contrary to the treaties between 
the realms. Against which disordered persons, according 
to the law of arms, except sufficient and reasonable 
amends should be made, her majesty intended to use her 
forces now levied. That she had therefore given strait 
order to her right well-beloved cousin, the earl of Sus- 
sex, her lieutenant of the north parts of her realm, and 
captain-general of her said army, that he should use all 
and every the good subjects of Scotland, that had, or 
should keep peace with her, in like honourable sort to all 
purposes, and them, as need should require, to defend, as 
she should, or might do, her own natural subjects; how- 
ever the malice of some seditious and corrupt members 
should misjudge and misreport. Who in these their 
slanderous inventions were justly to be suspected to the 
whole nation, that for their only private ambition of rule 
and gain would upon pretences labour to bring into the 


" same such strangers with forces of sundry sorts, as might CHAP. 
" shortly hazard the whole state there, and make thereof a 

prey, and reduce that ancient crown and nation into a Anno 1570. 
" subjection, and perpetual miserable tributary servitude. 
" Whereof her majesty could not but give that manner of 
*' admonition to the whole nation, for the natural love she 
" bore to the realm ; being to her crown and dominion so 
" near a neighbour by situation, blood, natural language, 
" and other conjunctions, as none was so like again in 
"Christendom." This declaration was dated April 10. From 
her honour of Hampton. 

This summer many people were very busy in throwing Papists 
about infamous scrolls and bills in some parts of the realm ; ^^."["^^.1^"^ 
and in other parts brought in traitorous books and bulls, as books and 
it were from Rome : whereby with untruths and falsehoods, 
yea, with divers monstrous absurdities, endeavouring to 
slander the council and nobility of the realm : and in the 
same uttering high treason against the state and royal dig- 
nity of her majesty, to engender in the heads of the simple 
ignorant multitude a misliking or murmuring against the 
quiet government of the realm : and namely, in malicious 
depraving of such actions as were by good counsel provi- 
dently devised, necessarily attempted, and well achieved by 
the queen's order, for the defence of herself and the whole 
body of the realm, from the open fury of rebels, and in- 
tended invasions by open enemies: this therefore caused 
the queen to set forth a proclamation to warn all her sub- 
jects, " That if any such bills or bulls came into their A procia- 
" hands, either in writing or print, that were of such lewd against 
" qualities against the queen, or any of the nobility or coun-*'^^™- 
" cil, or tending to the slander of any other public officer, 
" that without shewing or report, or speech thereof to any 
" person, he should bring it forthwith to the lieutenant of 616 
" the shire, or his deputy, or to the next justice of peace 
" or head-officer that could read. And he to examine the 
" finder, of the manner, and other circumstances to his dis- 
*' cretion necessary, how the same was found. And there- 


CHAP. " upon to seal it up close with the examination of the 
' " finder, and send it immediately to the queen or council, 

Anno 1570." without giving knowledge of the accounts thereof to any. 
" And to apprehend all persons charged or suspected as 
" authors. And that if any persons could by any means 
" discover who were the authors of such traitorous and 
*' scandalous bills, they should be so largely rewarded, that 
" during his or their lives they should have just cause to 
*' think themselves well used. And if he had in any wise 
*' been a partner in the same fault, and would discover 
" the principal author and owner therein, he should not 
" only be favourably pardoned for the concealment, but 
" should also be well rewarded. And the discoverers should 
" be preserved from the note of blame of accusing, as far 
" forth as might be any ways devised. But those that 
" should conceal them should be committed closely to the 
" next gaol, as counsellors and maintainers of sedition and 
*' tumults. 

" And all lieutenants and officers were to be very diligent 
*' and careful in apprehending these kind of wicked sow- 
" ers of sedition ; and to examine all persons any ways 
" suspected by their disordered lives or speeches ; and to 
*' inflict severity. For so it seemed very necessary at that 
" time, wherein appeared a malicious, hidden, and cankered 
*' purpose of some wicked number of lewd persons, that had 
*' an inward and greedy desire to stir up tumults, and vio- 
" lently to burst asunder the bands of the public peace 
" which the realm enjoyed. Whereby they and their con- 
" federates might make havoc of all the g(X)d subjects of 
" the realm ; and as traitors make their gain by conspiring 
*' and confederating with foreign enemies, to the hazard, or 
" at least to the great charges of the realm." This was 
dated from the queen"'s manor of Otelands, July 1. By 
which it appears that the danger of the last year*'s conjura- 
tion and rebellion by paj)ists was not yet at an end, and 
that great labour was now used with the people to join with 
foreign enemies that were to invade the land. 


Among these libels there was one dated May the 30th, as CHAP, 
it were from Edenburgh ; writ against some of the queen's 

chief counsellors; viz. the lord keeper, secretary Cecil, sir Anno 1570. 
Walter Mildmay, and sir Ralph Sadleir. The writers here- ^ lii'ei 

, , , ,., ■.«!•• threatening 

of talked of sudden dangers like to ensue, and of the immi- an invasion 

out of 

nent peril wherein the realm was falling ; and tiiat they, as °^* °^ 

true Englishmen, had a great concern, if possible, to pre- 
vent them. That those counsellors above-named did so mis- 
govern the state, and abuse their sovereign, that all or the 
most part of those dangers arose from them. And that by 
them and the bishops, whom they called paganical pre- 
tended bishops, the people were continued in a religion of 
their devising worse than Turkery. And that therefore the 
commons had advised the queen, that they might return to 
the catholic faith, before they should be compelled to do it. 
This letter was sent by these English out of Scotland to sir6l7 
John Littleton and sir Tho. Russel, the queen^'s lieute- 
nants in the county of Worcester. In their said letter 
they spake of two books, which they pretended were sent 
to them by the commons of England : the one, Of their 
humble submission, and desire to return to the catholic 
faith : the other, A detection of certain practices. A copy 
of which latter they sent enclosed ; but not the former, 
upon some considerations. In the conclusion of their letter 
they said, " They thought not so much as evil to the 
" queen their sovereign, but only upon a Christian intent 
*' to come home, and to unite themselves to the church of 
" God, and to all Christian princes. And they thought it 
" their duties to be aiding in those enterprises, carrying 
" both virtue and necessity, and nothing against laws, law- 
" fully constituted, [as though they were just ready with 
" others to invade the land.] But they said they would 
" do nothing, until they should have knowledge what effect 
" should ensue the publication hereof. For which purpose 
" they intended to send to all shires of the realm, as they 
*' had done to that of Worcester; expecting the respective 
" Ueutenants should see these their letters published." This 


CHAP, letter is transcribed from the Cotton library, and is set in the 
' second Appendix. 

Anno 1570. For the rebels and fugitives, remainino; out of the realm 


in Scotland and other parts, were very busy still to raise tu- 
mation ^' i^ults by secret malicious instructions, by seditious mes- 
commend- sages and false reports sent into the nation by them, tend- 
loyaity of ing to provoke others to partake with them : while others 
the sub- pf their adherents secretly remained in, or repaired to the 

jects, and . . -^ . ^ _ 

to discover realm : wandering in corners, and moving good subjects to 
tionr '" ^^ disobedient to the law; and scattering false rumours 
and news both l)y speech and books and writings, only to 
break the common peace. But when the kingdom still con- 
tinued quiet, the queen set forth a proclamation Novem- 
ber 14th, " That considering how it pleased God to con- 
" serve her realm in an universal good peace, and her sub- 
" jects in constant obedience unto her, she could not but 
" first give the due praise thereof to Almighty God, and 
" withal to commend the loyalty of her subjects, and to al- 
" low of their universal constancy in the conservation of 
" themselves together with the band of common peace. 
" And further, to give them admonition and warning, that 
" they be no wise abused by the wicked practices of the 
" said fugitives and rebels. And she commanded all her 
*' subjects to apprehend such secret persuaders of disobe- 
" dience and breaking of laws, and sowers of sedition ; and 
" especially such as brought into the realm any seditious 
" books or writings, and to discover any who had such 
" books." This was dated but three days before her com- 
plete passing over this dangerous year, even the twelfth 
year of her reign. 
A rebellion The danger of which consisted partly in another rebellion 
Norfolk^ " hatching in Norfolk by papists ; viz. for the compassing of 
discovered, these eiids, (the tail perhaps of the late Suffolk conspiracy,) 
to set the queen of Scots at liberty ; to rescue the duke of 
Norfolk, who was a prisoner for listening to a match with 
that queen ; likewise to seize the persons of the lord keeper, 
the earl of Leicester, and secretary Cecil, persons near about 


the queen, and to make insults upon the poor protestant CHAP. 
strangers, and to drive them out of the land ; and finally to ^^'' 

bring; in the duke of Alva from Flanders to invade Eno-- Anno 1570. 
land. These were formidable practices now on foot, andt>l8 
might have been very destructive, had they not been timely 
discovered by Kete, one of the conspirators. But who these 
mutinous persons were, and what was laid to their charge, 
and what they said and pleaded for themselves ; and lastly, 
what their judgment and condemnation was, and such like 
particulars, may partly be understood by a letter to the 
earl of Shrewsbury, written from London the last day of 
August, concerning the assizes held at Norwich some few 
days before. 

" The great sitting is done at Norwich ; and as I do hear A letter 
" credibly, Appelyard, Throgmorton, Redman, and another the earl of 
" are condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered. And ^'''op- 

^ ' ' ^ Epist. 

" Robert and two more to be condemned to perpetual un- comit. 

*' prisonment, with the loss of all their goods and lands q^°P'^"_ 

" durino- their lives. The four condemned for high trea- mor. 

" son, and another for reconcilement [to the church of 

" Rome,] were charged with these four points ; viz. the de- 

" struction of the queen"'s person ; the imprisonment of my 

" lord keeper, my loi'd of Leicester, and secretary Cecil ; 

*' the setting at liberty out of the Tower the duke of Nor- 

" folk ; and the banishment of all strangers. And it fell out 

" in their examination, that they would have imprisoned 

*' sir Christopher Haydon and sir William Buttes, the 

" queen's lieutenants. None of them could excuse them- 

" selves of any of the four points, saving that Appelyard 

" said, he meant nothing against the queen''s person. For 

" that he meant to have bid them to a banquet, and to have 

*' betrayed them all, and have won credit thereby with the 

" queen. Throgmorton was mute, and would say nothing, 

" till he was condemned ; who then said, ' They be full 

*' merry now, that will be as sorry within these few days.** 

*' Mr. Bell was attorney for Mr. Gerrard, he being one of 

" the judges. And Mr. Bell alleged against Appelyard, 

" that he was assenting to the treason before; alleging one 


CHAP. " Parker"'s words that was brought prisoner with Dr. Story 
• " out of Flanders, that Parker heard of the treason before 

Anno 1570. " Nallard came over to the duke of Alva. And there 
" stood one Bacon by, that heard Parker say so. My 
" lord offered a book to Bacon to swear, ' Oh, my lord I"" 
" said Appelyard, ' will you condemn me on his oath, that 
" is registered for a knave in the Book of Martyrs.'^'' 

" They had set out a proclamation, and had four pro- 
*' phecies : one was touching the wantonness of the court ; 
" and the other, touching this land to be conquered by the 
" Scots. The two other he could not remember." 

There were also many in trouble for speaking seditious 
words ; as Thomas Cecil said, that the duke of Norfolk was 
not of that religion as he was accounted for to be ; [i. e. a 
protestant;] and that his cousin Cecil was the queen's dar- 
ling, who was the cause of the duke of Norfolk''s imprison- 
ment, with such like. This man was put off to the next as- 
size. Anthony Middleton said, my lord Morley was gone 
to set the duke of Alva into Yarmouth : and, that if Will. 
Kete had not accused Throgmorton and the rest, we had 
619 had a hot harvest. But if the duke of Norfolk were alive, 
they all dared not put them to death. Metcalf said, that he 
would help the duke of Alva into Yarmouth, and to wash 
his hands in the Protestants'" blood. Marsham said, that my 
lord of Leicester had two children by the queen. And for 
that, he was condemned to lose both his ears, or else pay 
an 1001. presently. Chipline said, he hoped to see the duke 
of Norfolk to be king before Michaelmas next, who did in- 
terpret it, that he meant not, to be king of England, but to 
be king of Scotland. 

Mr. Bell and Mr. Solicitor said both to this effect to 
these prisoners ; " What mad fellows were you, being all 
" rank papists, to make the duke of Norfolk your patron, 
" that is as good a protestant as any in England ? and be- 
" ing traitors, to hope of his help to your wicked intent and 
" purpose, that is as true a man and as faithful a subject 
" as any is in this land ? saving only that the queen is 
" minded to imprison him for his contempt." 


These plots and disturbances this year did so awaken the CHAP, 
earl of Leicester, that, whether it were for his own safe re- " 

cess, or the queen's, or for the bringing of the queen of Anno 1570. 
Scots thither, he had now many workmen at his seat called ^^^^'^"^j^j. 
Killingworth castle, to make it strong; and furnished ittified. 
with armour, munition, and all necessaries for defence. 

This year came forth a second edition of bishop JewePs Jewel's De- 
Defence of his Apology. And let me add also the mention 
of another good book, now set forth by Dr. Wylson, a ci- Demosthe- 
vilian, master of St. Katharine"'s, a very learned man, after- tio„s Eng- 
wards secretary of state. It was the translation of some of''*''"^'^- 
Demosthenes'^s orations out of Greek into elegant pure 
English : dedicating the book to sir William Cecil, the 
learned secretary. Some of these orations were spoken bv 
the orator in favour of the Olynthians, a people of Thrace, 
which king Philip of Macedon had conquered ; and the 
rest of them were pronounced to the Athenians against the 
said king Philip. Which orations were at this time season- Seasonably 
ably set forth, to stir up the more the stomachs of the }]"|^)j\'||g'* 
English nation against king Philip of Spain ; who was then account of 
threatening England with conquest. And in the epistle de- jip-g de- 
dicatory Wylson said, " That he was carried straitway, and ^'S"^ "P°" 

111/^1/ -, ■ 11 • England. 

" he trusted by God s good motion, to make these orations 
" acquainted with the English tongue for the aptness of the 
" matter, and needful knowledge now at this time to be 
" had." And in the title-page these orations are said "to be 
" most needful to be read in these dangerous days of all 
" them that love their country "'s liberty, and desire to take 
*' warning for their better avail by the example of others." 
And there are several expressions of Demosthenes''s to the 
people of Athens in those orations, that might be used ver- 
batim to the English people at this time. To repeat a sen- 
tence or two : 

" As far as I can see, the danger that we are in is far Fourth era- 
" different from other folks. For king PhiHp means not to*'""' P'^'*' 
" have our city under his obeisance. No, that is not his 
" meaning : but altogether to destroy it. For he knoweth 
" well enough you are men, that neither will live in bon- 


CHAP. " dage, nor yet, if you would, could tell how to do it ; for 
'^ you have always been accustomed to rule : and he know- 

Anno 1570. " eth well enough, that you are able to work him more 
O20 « trouble, if you will watch your time, than all others ai*e 
" able to do, whatsoever they be. And therefore he will 
" not spare you, if he can once get the upper hand of you. 
" Wherefore you must be of that mind to fight, like men 
" that are at the uttermost and very last cast of all ; and to 
" shew yourselves manifest foes of them, and to put them 
" to the rack and torture that be apparent hirelings, and 
" bought-and-sold-men of king Philip ;" [as the English pa- 
pists exiles were to Philip of Spain, having pensions from 
him.] And again ; " By and by starts up one, and saith. It 
*' is now no time for us to dally, nor pass a decree for the 
" making of war ; adding straightway in the neck of that, 
" What a good thing it is to be at peace ! how sore a thing 
" it is to maintain a great army ! and how thereby they go 
" about to spoil us of our treasure ! But saith the orator 
" in answer. Neither should we think those charges burden- 
" ous unto us, that we spend and employ in our own safe- 
" guard, but rather those burdenous which we are sure to 
*' abide, if we neglect this, and omit to devise the means 
" to keep our treasure from robbing, by assigning a good 
" guard for the keeping thereof. And surely this may well 
" vex me to the heart, to see how it would grieve some of 
" you, and you, well robbed of your money, which was in 
" your own powers to have kept, and to punish the rob- 
" bers ; and yet that king Philip, who rangeth thus a spoil- 
" ing of all Greece, one piece after another, grieveth you 
" nothing at all, especially where he robbeth and spoileth 
" to your hurt and undoing;" [which might properly be 
applied to king Philip of Spain's vexing of Flanders and 

p. 86". Brabant, our neighbours.] And once more ; " First and fore- 
" most, O Athenians ! assure yourselves of this one thing, 
" that king Philip makes war against this city, and he hath 
" already broken the peace, and is an ill- wilier and a deadly 
" enemy to this whole city, and to the very groimd it stands 
" upon ; yea, I may say, to the very gods that be within 
" the city, whom I beseech utterly to confound him : for 


" there is nothino; in all the world that lie doth more CHAP. 

• LVI 

" earnestly fight against, than the very form or manner of. 

" our commonwealth, and how to undo the same. And at A""" i^70. 

" this time he is in a manner, as it should seem, by fine 

" force driven so to do. For make you that reckoning with 

" yourselves, his meaning is to rule all. And therein he 

" thinketh there is nobody to withstand him, but you 

" only." 

This is sufficient to shew, how that, beside this transla- 
tion went for a piece of complete English language in these 
times, it was notably suited to the present state of affairs, 
in regard of the fears of that overtopping monarch, the 
king of Spain : and I may add, in this age, how exactly 
the condition of Athens and England corresponds with re- 
spect to the ambitious monarch of France. 

CHAP. LVII. 621 

Pious men in Cirencester. Their complaint to the council 
against some popish magistrates there. The queen will 
not have inquisition made into moi's consciences. Cart- 
wright and others in Cambridge condemn the ecclesiasti- 
cal state. The endeavours of the heads there to restrain 
tliem. Their assertions in twenty-six articles. Treaties 
for the Scotch queen's liberty. The conclusion. 

Notwithstanding the care that was taken but Favourers 
the last year, that all justices and other gentlemen through ci^eTceste'r. 
the kingdom should subscribe to the act of Uniformity, and 
promise for themselves and their families duly to come to 
common prayer and saci-aments; yet the temper of their 
minds was the same, and many of them bore favourable 
hearts to the old superstition. And these did too often 
(where they could pick occasion) use rigour towards such 
as more sincerely and earnestly served God, and read the 
scriptures. There was a pious society of these in Ciren- A religious 
cester in Gloucestershire, who lived quietly and without of-*""^ ^' 
fence, and used sometimes to associate themselves, to invo- 

VOL. 1. I'ART IT. B b 


CHAP, cate and call upon the name of Almighty God; declaring 
^^'^" their utter detestation of all such erroneous and execrable 

Anno 1570. opinions and practices, as they heard and saw too much of. 
This society, for this their godly and zealous behaviour, 
raised up the displeasure of some chief men there against 
them; as, one Nicolas Philips, common sergeant of the 
town of Cissiter, [i. e. Cirencester,] and servant to sir Henry 
Jerningham, knight, a great man under queen Mary ; Ro- 
bert Straunge, justice of peace ; Christopher George, clerk 
of the peace ; and others their adherents, to a great number. 
By these persons had ensued to the said honest, piously dis- 
posed men no little trouble, partly by imprisonment of their 
bodies, confiscation of their goods, or fear of death. They 
called them tumultvious, and rebels ; and so overawing them, 
that they dared not to confute any doctrine or practice re- 
pugnant to God's word ; and also heartening wicked and 
traitorous papists. These hard dealings compelled these 
protestants in this town to draw up and prefer a petition 
to the lords of her majesty "'s privy council. 

Wherein they set forth all this before said ; shewing also, 
' that where the queen's highness, with their lordships' ad- 
' vice, had suppressed the tyranny of such infected mem- 
' bers, as, tolerated, might have imprisoned a number of 
' good subjects ; yet presently remained in the said predi- 
' cament a number of corrupt hearts : and that these, per- 
' suaded by a sermon of late made by one Horton, did re- 
' port the sacred word enclosed within the Bible to be 
' false and full of error, as untruly translated ; and there- 
' fore not meet among the common people to be read and 
' taught : that these slanderous reports had wounded their 
' consciences. And considering the execrable doings be- 
' fore mentioned, whereof those persons above-named were 
' as the chiefest, they petitioned, that it would please their 
' lordships to remove and weed them out from having any 
' authority; and through examining of them, to bolt out a 
' number of their affinity."" 

And 3^et notAvithstanding these bold and exorbitant prac- 
tices of papists, they did even at this time receive a notable 

Their peti- 
tion against 
their ene- 


not to be 


piece of favour, to gain them, if possible, to be better CHAP, 
minded, and to behave themselves quietly, as well as to 

clear the queen of false reports. It was this: " That the Anno 1570. 
" queen would not have any of their consciences unneces- 
" sarily sifted, to know what affection they had to the old 
" religion." Which was in effect to allow them their reli- 
gion to themselves, if they would but be quiet, and make 
no disturbances about it in the state. And for the better 
certifying all persons of it, the lord keeper had an order to 
declare as much in the star-chamber. And this matter was 
drawn up by the secretary, to be published by the said lord 
keeper in the said court on the 15th of June, in these 
words : 

" Whereas certain rumours are carried and spread abroad The queen's 
" among sundry her majesty's subjects, that her majesty hath ;„ the star- 
" caused, or will hereafter cause, inquisition and examination cii:»mbei- 

. . T . , about It. 

" to be had of men's consciences in matters of religion ; her 
" majesty would have it known, that such reports are ut- 
" terly untrue, and grounded either of malice, or of some 
" fear more than there is cause. For although certain per- 
" sons have been lately convented before her majesty's 
" council upon just causes, and that some of them have 
" been treated withal upon some matter of religion ; yet 
" the cause thereof hath grown merely of themselves; in 
" that they have first manifestly broken the laws established 
" for religion, in not coming at all to the church, to com- 
" mon prayer, and divine service, as of late time before 
" they were accustomed, and had used by the space of nine 
" or ten whole years together : so as if thereby they had 
" not given manifest occasion by their open and wilful con- 
" tempt of breaking of her majesty's laws, they had not 
" been any thing molested, or dealt withal. 

" Wherefore her majesty would have all her loving sub- 
" jects to understand, that, as long as they shall openly con- 
" tinue in the observation of her laws, and shall not wilfully 
" and manifestly break them by their open actions, her 
*' majesty's meaning is, not to have any of them molested 
" by any inquisition or examination of their consciences in 

B b 2 



Anno 1570. 


' causes of religion ; but will accept and entreat them as 
' her good and obedient subjects. And if any shall other- 
' wise by their open deeds and facts declare themselves wil- 
' fully disobedient to break her laws ; then she cannot but 
' use them according to their deserts ; and will not forbear 
' to inquire of their demeanours, and of what mind and dis- 
' position they are, as by her laws her majesty shall find it 
' necessary. 

" Of all which, her majesty would have her subjects in 
' all parts of her realm discreetly warned and admonished, 
' not to be abused by such untrue reports, to bring them 
' any wise to doubt of her majesty's honourable intention 
' towards them : who meaneth not to enter into the inqui- 
' sition of any men's consciences, as long as they shall ob- 
' serve her laws in their open deeds : being also very loath 
' to be provoked by the overmuch boldness and wilfulness 
' of her subjects to alter her natural clemency into a prince- 
' ly severity." 
Some in 'pj-,g innovators seemed to get more ground while the 

Cambridge <=' '=' 

openly op- state was thus watchmg and mtent upon the popish party ; 
pose tiie |.^ whom the kingdom had lately felt some severe shocks. 

government ^ _ ./ _ 

of the In the university of Cambridge they still shewed their in- 
church, compliance and dislike upon all occasions; but now they 
began to be more formidable in their dissensions. For hi- 
therto the quarrel Avas only about wearing the cap and the 
surplice, and such like apparel, and the posture in receiving 
the sacrament : but now they attempt to move another and 
a more dangerous matter; in assaulting the hierarchy of 
the church ; and disproving and condemning the ancient 
wholesome government used in it by archbishops and bi- 
shops, deans and archdeacons, and other ecclesiastical offi- 
cers. This faction in the said university was headed by one 
Thomas Cartwright, formerly of St. John's, now a fellow 
of Trinity college : but he was watched and withstood by 
Dr. Whitgift the master. He was one that always stub- 
bornly refused the cap, and the like ornaments, agreeable 
to the queen's Injunctions : a bold man, and wrote Latin 
well, and had studied divinity so far as to have taken his 


desrree of bachelor in divinity. But whether it were out of CHAP, 
some disgust for not being hitherto preferred, or out of an 

admiration of the discipline practised in the church of Ge- Anno 1570. 
neva, or both, he set himself, with some other young men 
in the university, to overthrow the government of this 
church, and propounded a quite different model to be set 
up in the room of it. 

And such a strong party he had among the scholars, that Cart- 

. . p ^ T • • Wright's 

vipon Dr. Wilham Chaderton's resignation ol the divinity doctrines ; 

lecture, founded by the lady Margaret, in May or June 

he succeeded, and read some lectures; wherein he taught 

such doctrine (as the said Dr. Chaderton wrote to Cecil MSS. penes 

their high chancellor) as was pernicious and intolerable in 

a Christian commonwealth : that is, that in the church of 

England there was no lawful and ordinary calling and 

choosing or admitting of ministers ; and that the election 

of ministers and bishops at this day was tyrannous. And 

that archiepiscopi, decani, archkliaconi, &c. were officia et 

norn'ma impietatis ; i. e. archbishops, deans, archdeacons, 

&c. were offices and names of impiety. 

But, besides Cartwright, there was one Chapman of the And Chap- 
same college, who in a divinity-disputation defended, (not ™^" * ' 
without great offence of many,) that Christ did not descend 
into hell after his death. And put also his other question, 
if it might have been allowed, that duo habere sacerdotia 
nefas esset; i. e. to have two livings was unlawful. 

And further, one Mr. Some, their adherent, preached a And 
sermon in St. Mary's about this very time against pluralities ' °"'^ *• 
and nonresidence. Which (saith the abovesaid Dr. Chader- 
ton) had not been greatly amiss, but that he burst out into 
a heat of pernicious and rebellious articles : 1 , That all the 
court of faculties was damnable, devihsh, and detestable; 
and that he did hope to live to see it trodden underfoot 624 
and overthrown. 2. That the queen's majesty's laws did 
permit and determine many detestable, devilish, and dam- 
nable things. 3. That of bishops he liked well ; but as 
they were nowadays chosen, and did usurp authority and 
governance over the clergy, he could not away with them. 



CHAP. Neither were they according to the Acts of the Apostles. 
* 4. That those which had pastoral charges were bound to be 

Anno 1570. resident always, without leave of their parish first asked 
and obtained. But prebendaries (he said) they were exhi- 
bitioners, and at liberty to remain whereof or whereon they 
listed. 5. That excommunication used nowadays was not 
allowed by the scripture ; neither was it in one man's hand 
or power. 
Libek. Libels also at this time were publicly scattered in the 

schools, viz. that poor men toil and travel, but the prince 
and the doctors, they licked up all. And many such like 
seditious and rebellious quarrels and strifes were now in 
that university. So that the minds of these men were to 
overturn and overthrow all that ecclesiastical and civil go- 
vernance that now was, and to ordain and institute a new- 
founded policy. 
Address to And upon these accounts the said Dr. Chaderton moved 
Lno^rof' the chancellor of the university to consider, what perils 
Cambridge mJo-ht and would be the sequel thereof, without speedy re- 

to suppress „. ,,. ^.i -i n i ■ \ 

these men. formation by his careful procurement, either ot his abso- 
lute authority as chancellor, or from the queen's most ho- 
nourable council, as occasion should require: since such 
seditious contentions and disquietness, such errors and 
schisms, openly taught, and preached boldly and without 
warrant, were lately grown among them ; that the good state, 
quietness, and governance of Cambridge, and not of Cam- 
bridge alone, but of the whole church and realm, were in 
great hazard, unless severely by authority they were sup- 
pressed. Wherefore he prayed him, for God's cause, and 
the care he bore to that university, to take some order for 
reformation of these disorders ; either by commission to such 
as he should like best in the university for causes ecclesias- 
tical, or else by his letters to Mr. Vice-chancellor. Who al- 
though he were minded to call them to account, yet he 
thought he either would or could not minister sufficient pu- 
nishment to suppress their errors. Otherwise Satan would 
have the upper hand, and they of the university should be 
all in a hurly burly and shameful broil. And then he con- 


eluded with this prayer; "Jesus Christ for his infinite CHAP. 
" mercy sake deliver us in these dangerous days ; and 

"grant you long life and power to be a patron of his Anno 1570. 
" glory." This was writ from Queen's college, June 11. 

Grindal, now archbishop of York, sometime of this uni- Archi.ishop 
versity, judged these stirs at Cambridge to be of such dan-°j^.j°^ ^^^^^ 
gerous import, that he also wrote a letter to the said chan- these dis- 
cellor, "to take some speedy course against Cartwright, j^^g 34. ' 
" who in his readings did daily make invectives against the 
" extern policy and distinction of states in the ecclesiastical 
" government, with other assertions uttered by him pub- 
" licly. He shewed, how the youth there, frequenting his 
" lectures in great numbers, were in danger to be poisoned 
" (as he expressed it) with a love of contention and a liking 
" of novelty. And so might become hereafter unprofitable, 
" nay hurtful to the church. His advice and judgment 6*25 
" was, that he the chancellor should write to the vice-chan- 
" cellor with expedition, to command Cartwright and all 
" his adherents to silence, both in schools and pulpits ; and 
" afterwards, upon examination and hearing of the matters 
" before him and some of the heads, to reduce the offenders 
" to conformity, or to expel them out of the colleges, or the 
" university, as the cause should require. And also that the 
" vice-chancellor should not suffer Cartwright to proceed 
" doctor of divinity at the approaching commencement, 
" which he had sued for." 

The chancellor forthwith despatched his letters to Dr. The chan- 
John Mey, the vice-chancellor, and the heads; directing "|.'°^'^J^'^" 
them the way and course they should take in these matters, university. 
And in their answer they signified to him, that they would Tiieir an- 
take due deliberation and advisement in time convenient ;^"*^'^' 
wherein they would either bring disorder to a conformity, 
and reform such things as had been offensive ; or, if they 
could not, they would seek aid at his hands : which might 
supply the defect of ability in them. Which he, the chan- 
cellor, had promised, with a continual readiness of maintain- 
ing the quiet estate of their body ; and shewing his ready 
inclination and favourable affectation of preferring learning 

B b 4 


CHAP, and godliness, joined with gravity and discretion, and an 
earnest study of repressing disorderly preaching and teach- 

Anno, tending to the eversion of good laws and orders eccle- 
Disturb- Immediately the same day this letter was brought, which 

ance about , i r. x i • i o ' 

Cart- was the 29th ot June, the vice-chancellor read it in the 

Wright's regent-house. Which as soon as he had done, there hap- 

grace for <^ _ ' r 

doctor. pened a great confusion made by Cartwright's friends, who 
laboured to procure him to be made doctor. Which they, 
supposing the ancient heads of the colleges were against, 
made such insolent attempts, as the like had not heretofore 
been seen. For every one of the ancient doctors, contrary 
to their old custom, and to their great discredit, were de- 
nied to be hi the head; for fear they should stop Cart- 
wright''s grace upon the chancellor's letters, newly read. 
And so none could be admitted to be in the head for pass- 
ing of graces, but only such as were known to favour Cart- 
Avrighfs cause. Who nevertheless was stopped from his de- 
gree by the vice-chancellor. For which he suffered the same 
day no small ti'ouble at his and his favourers' hands ; and 
was like to sustain more, (as he wrote to the chancellor,) 
unless by his authority he might be in his 'lawful doings 
assisted. And this, Mey, the vice-chancellor, wrote in the 
presence of Dr. Perne, Dr. Hawford, Dr. Harvey, and Dr. 
Ithel, some of the abovesaid old heads. 
Letters of Nor Were Cartwriffht and his friends wanting; in their 
and his" letters to the chancellor in his behalf. Two letters of Cart- 
friends, Wright's I have seen writ in Latin : and two more, dated 
in July and August, writ by his friends, subscribed with 
about twenty or twenty-five names. Among which were, 
Thomas Aldrich, Sherwood, proctor, Rob. Soom, John 
Knewstubs, Edmund Chapman, Bartholomew Doddington, 
Richard Greenham, Richard Howland, Alan Par, John 

Stil, Rockrey. Some of these, upon more mature 

years, quite altered their opinions ; and two of them were 
afterwards bishops. 
o2o After these earnest applications to the chancellor on both 
ri.c dian- sides lie considered the matter with much deliberation and 

cellor s ad- 


meekness; and in the beginning of August sent his advice CHAP, 
and order to the heads. Which being drawn up with so L 

much modesty and wisdom, all with his own hand, and re- Anno 1570. 
presenting as favourably as might be Cartwright's case, 1 1'^''^^^" 
think it worthy to be transcribed. 

" As the office which I have to be the chancellor of that 
" honourable university is of more importance than my 
" understanding can wield; so is my care the greater, 
" doubting lest my ignorance should be the cause of such 
" inconvenience as may happen to the prosperity of the 
" same. And therefore, for the supplying of this doubt in 
" myself, I will forbear to use any authority to command 
" or to direct you, who are the principal heads thereof, in 
" any thing of weight ; and yet, not to conceal my careful- 
" ness, I will give you remembrances of things meet to be 
" considered in a novelty lately happened in that univer- 
" sity, remitting the order and execution thereof to your 
" wisdoms. The novelty is, the late entry of Mr. Cart- 
" wright, reader of the divinity lecture, erected by the 
" noble lady Margaret, great grandmother to our sovereign 
" lady the queen's majesty, into some new observations of 
" the errors in the ministry of the church : taxing such mi- 
" nisters, as, namely, archbishops, and such like as he find- 
*' eth not expressly named in the books of the New Testa- 
" ment. The offence that may grow hereby in the govem- 
" ment of this our church of England, by moving such al- 
" terations, cannot be small ; except it be well considered 
*' beforehand, upon what necessary grounds such changes 
" should be motioned. How far Mr. Cartwright herein 
" proceeded, I cannot certainly determine ; being by him- 
" self, and a testimonial of others of that university of good 
" name, advertised in one sort; and by others also there, 
" whom I have cause to trust, in another sort. What mind 
" he had in the moving of these matters, by himself in 
" communication, I perceive the same not to be much re- 
" prehended ; being, as it seemeth, not of any arrogancy, 
" or intention to move troubles ; but, as a reader of the 
" scripture, to give notes, by way of comparison between 


Anno 1570. 


stayed from 

Tlie heads 
write again 
to the chan- 

August 1 1 . 


the order of the ministry in the times of the apostles, and 
the present times now in this church of England. 
" But weighing with myself what occasions others abroad, 
hearkening to this novelty, may take to breed offence in 
the church, not only of the adversaries, but also of the 
professors of true religion ; I have thought good to use 
my authority, as chancellor, to charge Mr. Cartwright 
not to deal any further in these kind of questions, in his 
readings or sermons, or any otherwise; until that some 
order may be taken this Michaelmas term therein, upon 
more commodity of conference meet for such a matter. 
Whereto he hath accorded. And in the mean season I 
think it also good, that no contrary dispute or argument 
be used herein, in the university, to provoke further al- 
tercation. The manner whereof I commit to your consi- 
deration. And for further determination of these new 
questions, as well for common order, as for the truth of 
the controversy, I shall gladly receive your advices and 
opinions : meaning thereunto to conform myself, for the 
credit I have in your wisdoms and great learning, and 
the love that I trust you bear to the truth and common 

So that Cartwright was forbid by the chancellor only to 
read upon those nice questions, but by the vice-chancellor 
and heads he was now stayed from reading at all ; both for 
the contagiousness of the time, and the absence of many of 
his auditors. And also lest his admittance to read again, 
being once by them inhibited, without some satisfaction, 
might seem to give authority and credit to his new opi- 
nions, (which they took to be not only untrue, but also 
dangerous, and very inconvenient for tlie state of this 
church of England,) some of the heads, viz. Hawford, Har- 
vey, and Whitgift, did, in a letter to the chancellor, be- 
seech him, not to let any thing be done that might tend 
to the encouragement of such as would be counted autliors 
of strange opinions and new devices. And they further 
signified to him, that wlien the rest of their company (now 
this vacation time absent) were returned, he should under- 


stand at large (a thing which the chancellor seemed to re- CHAP. 
quire of them) how dangerous and inconvenient these new 

opmionswere. Anno 1 670. 

To go on therefore with this history of Cartwright and fart- ^ 
the heads. The chancellor, by his answer which he sent tenets 
them, approved of their proceedings A\nth him. And to^'.'ewed 
confirm the chancellor in his dislike of this man, and in his whitgift. 
allowance of what the heads had done, Dr. Whitgift soon 
addressed another letter unto him, that he might fully un- August 19. 
derstand Cartwright's opinions. For these had often de- 
bates together, living in the same college: so the doctor 
presented in writing to the said chancellor what Cartwright 
liad uttered to him in private conference, and which he had 
also openly taught, viz. first, that there ought not to be in i- 
the church of Christ either archbishops, archdeacons^ deans, 
chancellors, or any other, whereof mention is not expressly 
made in the scripture. Secondly, that the office of the bi- 2. 
shop and deacon, as they were then in the church of Eng- 
land, was not allowable. Thirdly, that there ought to be s. 
an equality of all ministers : and every one to be chief in 
his own cure. Fourthly, that ministers ought to be chosen 4. 
by the people, as they were in the apostles' time. Fifthly, 5. 
that none ought to be a minister, unless he have a cure. 
Sixthly, that a man must not preach out of his own cure. 6. 
Seventhly, that the order of calling and making of minis- 7. 
ters, now used in the church of England, is extraordinary, 
and to be altered. And divers others depended on these, 
as he, the chancellor, might easily conjecture : which would 
(he said) breed a mere confusion, if they should take place. 

Cartwright was after this earnestly dealt withal by the t^artwrigiit 

. 1 • 1 • 1 T> deprived. 

heads to forsake his assertions taught in his lectures, liut 
he still stiffly defended them. Wherefore the injunction of 
not reading remained upon him. In the mean time they 
omitted no charitable. Christian means to persuade him; 
but the more favourable he was dealt withal, the more un- 
tractable they found him. Therefore they saw it necessary 
to proceed to deprive him. But before they would do this, 
they thought fit to signify their purpose to the chancellor : 


CHAP, which Whitgift (now vice-chancellor) and the rest of the 
heads did by their letter. Wherein they sent him also a 

Anno 1570. copy of the propositions Cartwright had set down and sub- 
Noveinh. 7. scribed with his own hand ; and whereunto he was fully 

bent to stand : which were these : 
His propo- I, ArcMepiscoporum et archidiaconorum nomina simid 

sitions sub- . , , /r? • • • ^ r 7 7 

scribed by cz<m munerious et ojjiciis suis^ sunt abolenaa. 

^'™' II. Legitimorum in ecclesia ministrorum nomina, qualia 

sunt episcoporum et diaconorum, separata a suis muneribus 
ill verbo Dei descriptis, similiter sunt improbanda, et ad 
institiitionem apostolicam revocanda. Ut episcopus in verbo 
et precibus : diaconus in pauperib^is curandis versetur. 

III. Episcoporum cancellariis, aut archidiaconorum of- 
Jicialibus regimen ecclesioB non est committendum ; sed ad 

idoneum ministrum et presbyterium ejusdem ecclesicB defe- 

IV. Non oportet ministerium esse vagum et liber um : 
sed quisque debet certo cuidam gregi addici. 

V. Nemo debet ministerium tanquam candldatus peter e. 

VI. Episcojn tantum authoritate et potestate ministri non 
sunt creandi ; multo minus in museo, aut loco quopiam 
clanculario : sed ab ecclesia electiojieri debet. 

Some of these they knew (as they wrote to their chan- 
cellor) to be untrue, dangerous, and tending to the ruin of 
both learning and religion ; as the first, second, third, and 
fifth. Some untruly imagined, to make the common sort 
believe that to be which is not, as the third and sixth. 

Therefore now Cartwright stood upon his deprivation. 
To which the heads said they must proceed, unless they 
would open a door to schism, contempt of authority, and 
other contentions. But they thought it their duty to cer- 
tify their chancellor of it; both that they might have his 
consent thereunto, and to prevent untrue rumours, wliich, 
as they were spread abroad, might probably come to his 
others in And new statutes for that university having been lately 
the uni- made, and confirmed bv the chancellor, the heads had now 

versity re- ' _ ./ ' _ 

strained, more power given them to correct and remedy disorders in 


the members. Whereby they were enabled the better to CHAP, 
proceed with this unreclaimable reader; as they had al- ^^^' 

ready made use of these statutes with good success against Anno 1570. 
some followers of Cartwright : however, the younger sort, 
for the restraining of their liberty, murmured, and grudged 
much at them. But the heads let the chancellor know, that 
without them they could hardly have been able to keep the 
university in good order ; the stomachs of some were so 
great, and the common sort so inclined to novelties and con- 
tentious dealings. And so in fine Cartwright was deprived 
of his place of Margaret professor, and soon after of his fel- 
lowship in the college. 

I shall end my relation of these disturbances in Cam- Divers 
bridge, occasioned by Cartwright and his party, after that "ert^n'^ "^f 
I shall have given in a catalogue of divers other articles, Cartwright 
(besides the six above mentioned,) propounded and di-' 
vulged abroad by the said Cartwright and others in the 
university, as they were this year sent up to the chancellor. 

VII. In reformanda ecclesia necesse est, omnia ad aposto- 
licam institutionem revocari. 

VIII. Nemo debet ad mimsterium admitti, si non sit ido-S2^ 
neus ad docendum. Qui autem in ministerio ad docendum 
sunt i7iepti, ministerio sunt abdicandi. 

IX. Idem precum, verbi, sacramentorum minister esse 
debet : proptereaque nemini licitum est aut publice pro ec- 
clesia preces concipere, aut administrare sacramenta, qui 
non sit verbi minister. 

X. Papistici sacerdotes vi ordinationis sucr 7ion possunt 
esse ministri evangelii. 

XI. Solum canoniccB scripturoi sunt publice in ecclesia 

XII. Liturgia ecclesiastica debet esse publice ita compo- 
sita ut sublatis privatis precibus et lectionibus, omnes mi- 
nistro docenti aut precanti attendant. 

XIII. Cura sepeliendi mortuos 7ion magis ad ministe- 
j-ium, quam ad ?-cliquam ecclesiam pertinet. 

XIV. Omnis scriptuj-a pari dignitate et reverentia est 
habenda, ut et omnia Dei nomina. Quare prceter rationem 


CHAP, omnem injungiiur, aut ut evangellum audirent stantes, aut 
ad 7iomen Jesu genua Jlectantur^ vel nudentur capita. 

Anno 1570. XV. Sedere in sacra coena non minus est liberum, quam 
genua jlecterc aut stare ; atque adeo convenientius, quod 
ccenam magis exprimit. 

XVI. Sacramenta non sunt in privatis locis admini- 
stranda ; ne ah ipsis quidem ministris ; nedum a midieri- 
bus, aut privatis hominibus : ut baptisma in^antibus, aut 
coen a pericU tan tibus. 

XVII. Cruce infantem in baptismo signare, superstitio- 
sum est ; addita auteni qnam solent ejus signi/icatione, ma- 
gis intolerabile. 

XVIII. JEquum est ut pater Jilium eccIesicE baptizan- 
dum eochibeat cum Jidei corifessione^ in qua eum educare 
studebit ; sine infantis nomine responsione, Volo, Nolo, Crc- 
dOf ^c. Neque etiam Jerendum est, aut ex mulieris autho- 
ritate nomen irifantis in ecclesia assignetur ; aut per im- 
prudentem puerum tanti ponderis stipidatio dc iiifante cdu- 
candojiat. {Imprudentem intelUgo, qjii non sit ccencB com- 
municandoR idoneus.) 

XIX. In imponendis nominibus religio est habenda, ut 
vitetur paganismus : tiim etiam ut vitentur ojjiciorum no- 
mina, Christi, angeli, BaptistcB, ^c. 

XX. Mati'imonium certis quibusdam anni temporibus 
interdicere, papisticum est. Venule aiotem illud tumjacere, 
aliquanto intolerabilius etiam est. 

XXI. Potestatem facer e aliquibus, ut matrimonium con- 
trahant, non conscia ecclesia, cujusjudicio de impedimentis, 
siqucE sunt, standum fuit, (prius adhibita ejus promidga- 
tione) 7ion est licitum. 

XXII. Quadragesimalis jejunii observatio, rina cum diet 
Veneris et Sabbati, turn propter superstitionem, turn aliis de 
causis, est illicita ; quamvis illud politico nomine conentur 

XXIII. Festorum dierum observatio est illicita. 

XXIV. Nundinatio in die Dominica est illicita. 

XXV. In ordinandis ministris, Accipe Spiritum Sanc- 
um, ridicule et nejarie dicitur. 


XXVI. Rcgcs ct eptscopi ungticmU non sunt. CHAP. 

Mary, the unhappy queen of Scots, remained yet in cus-. 

tody in England; and that queen Elizabeth may be justi- ^"10^570. 
fled in detainins: her hitherto, I shall relate from the secre-P"^" 

. r> i> 1 Queen of 

tary's own papers the treaties that were set on loot for her Scots re- 
cnlargement, and the several causes why the}'^ took not™"'^"^^'" 

effect. here. 

The first treaty began at York the last day of September Treaties for 
1568, and was prorogued to London. This treaty took no ^^1^"^^*^" ''*''^''' 
effect, because during it the lord Boide and the bishop of Cott. libr. 

-.-. •Ill r> o> -r» • • Julius, F. 6. 

Rosse practised to steal trie c[ueen of bcots. But princi- 
pally, because the lord Boide, the lord Herris, and other 
lords, Kildwing and the bishop of Rosse, were unwilling to 
enter into the examination of the lord Darnley's murder, 
how it came: and by special commission from the Scotch 
queen did dissolve the treaty, December 15, the said year. 

The second treaty began the 24th of April, 1569- Eor 
the execution whereof the bishop of Rosse was sent alone 
as ambassador from the Scotch queen, to deal with her ma- 
jesty and the lords of the council. During this treaty, 
which was entertained by her majesty with all kindness, a 
marriage was practised underhand, without her majesty's 
privity, betAveen the duke of Norfolk and the said queen. 
This intended match was signified in secret to the ambassa- 
dors of France and Spain, and to the nobility of the north 
of England. Candish was sent from the duke to that queen 
with letters and tokens, to further this match. The earl of 
Northumberland propounded to that queen, by Leonard ■ 
Dacres, (whom he sent on purpose,) a means for her escape. 
Which not proceeding, he afterwards betook himself to an 
open rebellion ; and so did the earl of Westmorland ; who 
by help from Scotland invaded England. These things 
were impediments why this second treaty took no effect. 

The 20th of May, 1570, a third treaty begun from the 
French ambassador and the bishop of Rosse. Who offered 
thereupon to the lords of her majesty ''s council certain ar- 
ticles; among which this was contained. That all English 
fugitives being in Scotland should be delivered into Eng- 


CHAP, land, or kept there to be forthcomino- at the end of the 

LVil • • • • 

treaty. The commissioners in this treaty were, for the 

Anno 1570. queen of England, the lords of her council ; for the Scotch 
queen, the bishop of Galloway, lord Levingston, and the 
bishop of Rosse; for the king of Scots, the earl Morton, 
abbot of Dunfermeling, and master James Mokgile. But 
while this treaty was in hand, her majesty understood that 
the articles of her treaty were privily communicated to the 
pope, to the French king, and to the duke of Alva. And 
that there was sent to the said king sir George Barklay ; to 
the said duke master John Hamilton; and to the pope 
master Henry Keache; to send succour and support for 
the Scotch queen against her majesty. 

That, contrary to one of the offered articles, some of the 
English fugitives were conveyed into Flanders ; and there, 
by means of the Scottish queen, rewarded with twelve thou- 
sand crowns. That, contrary to another, one was sent to 
solicit foreign forces, to invade England. 

Lastly, whereas this treaty, being tripartite, could not 
proceed until a new commission were obtained by those 
63 1 that came from the king of Scots, which was to be pro- 
cured with all speed, to supply some difference of the old, 
the Scotch queen would admit of no delay or respite. And 
so by means thereof, and the practices aforesaid, this treaty 
also brake off without any good conclusion. 

There was a fourth in 1582, and a fifth in 1583, and yet 
a sixth in 1584. Which all proved ineffectual, by practices 
carried on at those very junctures against the queen's safety 
or life ; but these matters being beyond the bounds of this 
history, I say nothing more of them. 
Tiie con- And thus I have at length, by God's assistance, brought 
c usion. (Jo^n this history of the church of England, and the va- 
rious transactions in it, from the first unto the thirteenth 
year of queen Elizabeth. By which time it arrived to a 
good consistency and establishment ; and had in some good 
measure got the better of those that laboured to shake and 
make it totter, nay, to overturn it ; and became also fur- 
nished (especially the mother churches) with learned and 


able pastors and ministers. For which I shall produce the CHAP, 
testimony of a very knowing man in those times ; and with '_ 

it shall conclude. When the author of the Admonition had Anno 1570. 
slanderously called the cathedral churches popish dens, he 
took occasion to inform the world, " that he would offer a Whitgift 
" dozen cathedral churches in England, which he himself ^1=!""*^*'^^ 


" did know; the worst whereof in learnincj should encoun-tion. Anno 


" ter with all papists, anabaptists, and what other sects so-pl'goe. 
" ever in England, for the defence of religion now ])ro- 
" fessed, either by word or writing. And he thought (with- 
" out arrogancy be it spoken) there was never time wherein 
" these churches were better furnished with wise, learned, 
" and godly men, than they were at that day. And this 
*' he spoke not boastingly, but to God's glory, the honour 
" of the prince, the comfort of the godly, and the shame of 
" slanderous papists and disdainful scjiismatics," 







Papers of State, Minutes of Council ; and Transcripts of Speeches, Original 
Letters, and other monuments of antiquity, referred unto in the 
foregoing History : , 

For the better illustration thereof, and satisfaction of inquisitive readers. 



Number I. 
Queen EUzdbetlCs proclamation upon her access to the crown. 

By the quenes majesty. 

Elizabeth, by the grace of God, queen of Eng- 
land, Fraunce, and Ireland, defendour of the faith, &c. 
Because it hath pleased Almighty God, by calling to his 
mercie out of this mortal lief, to our great grief, our dear- 
est suster of noble memory, Mary, late queue of England, 
Fraunce, and Ireland, (whose soul God have,) to dispose 
and bestow upon us, as the only right hey re by bludde and 
lawful succession, the crown of the foresayed kingdomes of 
England, Fraunce, and Ireland, with all maner titles and 
rights thereunto in any wise apperteyning ; we do publish 
and give knowledge by this our proclamation to all maner 
peple, being natural subjects of every the said kingdomes, 
that from the beginning of the xviith day of this month of No- 
vember, at which time our said dearest suster departed from 
this mortal lief, they be discharged of all bonds and duties 
of subjection towards our said suster, and be from the same 
tyme in nature and law bound only to us, as to tlieir only 
soveraign lady and quene. Wherewith we do by this our 
proclamation streightly charge and allye them to us : pro- 
mising on our part no less love and care towards their pre- 
servation, than hath been in any of our progenitours ; and 
not doubting on their parte, but they will observe the duty 
which belongeth to natural, good, and true loving subjects. 
And further, we streightly charge and command all ma- 
ner our said subjects of every degree, to kepe themselves 
in our peax, and not to attempt, upon any pretence, the 
breache, alteration, or chaunge of any ordre or usage pre- 

r c3 


sently establyshed within this our realm, upon payne of our 
indignation, and the perils and punishment, which thereto 
in any wise may belong. 

God save the queue. 

Number II. 
The qiieeii's council at Hatjield, to the marquis of' Winches- 
ter^ and the earls of Shrewsbury and Darby, to I'epair 
thither, with divers others of' the nobility, to conduct her 
to London. 
Epist CO- AFTER our harty commendations to your good lord- 
iu coiie<'. ships. Where the quenes majesty mindeth to take her jour- 
aiiuor. vol. jjgy upon Wednesday next to London, her highness plesure 
is, that your lordships shall both put your selves in a readi- 
ness, to attend her majesty thither with all your servants 
and train ; and also give warning to all such noblemen re- 
maining presently at London, whose names you shall receive 
in a scedule enclosed, to do the like. The order of your 
setting forth, and what else her majesty willeth to be done 
herein, your lordships shall understand by our loving friend 
sir Rafe Sadler, who repaireth unto you for this purpose. 

And for that tliere should not, in the absence of the lord- 
ships and the rest, want such as should see to the good 
3 order of things there, her majesty's plesure is, that our very 
good lord, the archbishop of York, shall remain at London, 
and call unto him in all matters requisite for the preserva- 
tion of order, our loving friends, sir William Petre and sir 
John Mason, and to confer with them therein. Which her 
highness plesure we pray you to signify unto his grace : 
and so we bid your lordships right hartily farewel. From 
Hatfield, the 21st of November, 1558. 

Your good lordships assured loving friends, 
Pembroke, E. Clynton, W. Haward, 

Tho. Parry, Edward Rogers, Will. Cecill, Ambr. Cave. 


Noblemen appointed to attend upon the queen's majesty at 
her coming" to London. 

Duke of Norfolk. Zouche, 

Earls of Borough, 

Oxford, Vaux, 

Worcester, Dacres of the South. 

Rutland, Mountegle, 

Cumberland, Mountjoy, 

Huntingdon, Windsor, 

Bedford. Rich, 

Viscounts of Darcy, 

Hereford, Chandos, 

Mountague. North, 

Lords Williams of Thame, 

Aburgaveny, Hastings of Loughbo- 

Audley, rough, 

Morley, John Grey, 

Dacres of the North, Wharton, 

Scrope, Willoughby. 

Lumley, Sir Thomas Cheny, 

Number III. 
Tli^ queen'^s proclamation tojbrbid preaching; and allow- 
ing only the reading of the epistles and gospels, S^c. in 
English in the churches. 

By the quene. 
THE quenes majesty, understanding that there be cer- 
tain persons, having in times past the office of ministery in 
the church, which now do purpose to use their former office 
in preaching and ministery, and partly have attempted the 
same ; assembling, specially in the city of London, in son- 
dry places, great nomber of people: whereupon riseth 
amonges the common sort not only unfruteful dispute in 
matters of religion, but also contention, and occasion to 
break common quiet : hath therefore, according to thautho- 
ritie committed to her highness, for the quiet governaunce 
of all maner her subjects, thought it necessary to charge 
and commaund, like as hereby her highness doth charge 


and commaund, all maner of her subjects, as well those that 
be called to ministery in the church, as all others, that they 
do forbear to preach or teach, or to gyve audience to any 
maner of doctrine or preachyng, other than to the gospels 
and epistels, commonly called the gospel and the epistel of 
the day, and to the Ten Commaundements in the vulgar 
tongue, ^vithout exposition or addition of any maner sense 
or meaning to be applyed or added ; or to use any other 
maner of publick prayer, rite, or ceremony in the church, 
but that Avhich is alredy used, and by law receaved ; or 
the common letany used at this present in her majesty's 
own chappel, and the Lords Prayer, and the Crede in Eng- 
lish ; until consultation may be had by parlament, by her 
majesty, and her three estates of this realme, for the better 
conciliation and accord of such causes as at this present are 
moved in matters and ceremonies of religion. 

The true advauncement whereof, to the due honour of 
Almighty God, the increase of vertue and godlyness, with 
4 universal charitie and concord amonges her people, her ma- 
jestie moost desyreth and meaneth effectually, by all maner 
of means possible, to procure and to restore to this her 
realme. Whereunto, as her majestic instantly requireth all 
her good, faithful, and loving subjects to be assenting and 
ayding with due obedience; so, if any shall disobediently 
use themselfes to the breach hereof, her majestic both must 
and will see the same duely punished, both for the qualite 
of thoffence, and for example to all others neglecting her 
majesties so reasonable commaundement. Yeven at her 
highness palais of Westminster, the xxviith day of Decem- 
ber, the first year of her majesties reigne. 

God save the quene. 

Number IV. 

The device for alteration of religion, in the first year of 

queen Elizabeth. 

Cott. Ulnar. I. When the alteration shall he first attempted? 
u lus, . . ^j. ^i^p ne^i parliament : so that the dangers be foreseen, 
and remedies therefore provided. For the sooner that reli- 


gion is restored, God is the more glorified, and as we trust 
wilbe more merciful unto us, and better save and defend 
her highness from all dangers. 

II. What dangers may ensue upon the alteration f 

The bishop of Rome, all that he may, wilbe incensed. i. 
He will excommunicate the queen's highness, interdict the 
realms, and give it to prey to all princes, that will enter 
upon it ; and incite them therto by all manner of means. 

The French king will be encouraged more to the war, ii. 
and make his people more ready to fight against us, not 
only as enemies, but as heretics. He wilbe in great hope of 
aid from hence, of them that are discontented with this al- 
teration, looking for tumult and discord. He will also stay 
concluding peace upon hope of some alteration. 

Scotland will have some causes of boldness ; and by that in. 
way the French king wil seem soonest to attempt to in- 
vade us. 

Ireland also will be very difficultly stayed in their obe- iv. 
dience, by reason of the clergy that is so addicted to Rome. 

Many people of our own wilbe very much discontented ; v. 
especially these sorts. 

All such as governed in the late queen Marie's time, and i. 
Avere chosen thereto for no other cause, or were then most 
esteemed, for being hot and earnest in the other religion, 
and now remain unplaced and uncalled to credit, will think 
themselves discredited, and all their doings defaced, and 
study all the ways they can to maintain their former doings, 
and despise all this alteration. 

Bishops and all the clergy wil se their own ruine. In 2. 
confession and preaching, and all other ways they can, they 
wil perswade the people from it. They wil conspire with 
whomsoever that wil attempt, and pretend to do God a sa- 
crifice, in letting the alteration, tho' it be with murther of 
Christen men, or treason. 

Men which be of the papist sect; which late were in 3., 
maner all the judges of the law; the justices of the peace, 
chosen out by the late queen in all the shires ; such as were 
believed to ibe of that sect; and the more earnest therin, 


the more in estimation. These are like to joyn and conspire 
with the bishops and clergy. 

Some, when the subsidy shalbe granted, and money le- 
vied, (as it appeareth that necessarily it must be don,) wilbe 
therewith offended ; and like enough to conspire and arise, if 
they have any head to stir them to it, or hope of gain and spoil. 

Many such as would gladly have the alteration from the 
church of Rome, when they shal se peradventure, that some 
old ceremonies shalbe left still, or that their doctrine, which 
they embrace, is not allowed and commanded only, and all 
other abolished and disproved, shall be discontented, and 
call the alteration a cloaked papistry ^ or a mingle mangle. 

III. WJiat remedy for these matters ? 

First, for France, to practice a peace ; or if it be offered, 
not to refuse it. If controversy of religion be there among 
them, to help to kindle it. 

Rome is less to be doubted ; from whom nothing is to be 
feared, but evil will, cursing, and practising. 

Scotland will follow France for peace. But there may 
be practised to help forward their divisions ; and especially 
to augment the hope of them, who incline them to good re- 
ligion. For certainty, to fortify Berwick, and to employ 
demilances and horsemen for the safety of the frontiers. 
And some expence of money in Ireland. 

The fifth divided into five parts. 

The first is of them which were of queen Mary's council, 
elected and advanced then to authority, only or chiefly for 
being of the pope's religion, and earnest in the same. Every 
augmentation or conservation of such men in authority or 
reputation, is an encouragement of those of their sect, and 
giveth hope to them, that it shall revive and continue, al- 
though it have a contrary blast. Seeing their pillars to 
stand still untouched, [will be] a confirmation to them that 
are wavering papists, and a discouragement of such that are 
but half enclined to that alteration. DitJH in duhio est ani- 
mus, paulo momento hue illuc impellitur. These must be 
searched by all law, as far as justice may extend; and the 
queen's majesty's clemency to be extended not before they 


do fully acknowledge themselves to have fallen in the lapse 
of the law. 

They must be based of authority, discredited in their 
countries, so long as they seem to repugn to the true reli- 
gion, or to maintain their old proceedings. And if they 
should seem to allow or to bear with the new alteration, 
yet not likely to be in credit, quia neophyti. And no man 
but he loveth that time wherein he did flourish. And when 
he can, and as he can, those ancient laws and orders he 
will maintain and defend with whom and in whom he was 
in estimation, authority, and a doer. For every man natu- 
rally loveth that which is his own work and creature. 

And contrary, as those men must be based, so must her 
highness's old and sure servants, who have tarryed with 
her, and not shrunk in the last storms, be advanced with 
authority and credit : that the world may see that her high- 
ness is not unkind nor unmindful. And throughout all 
England such persons as are known to be sure in religion, 
every one, according to his ability to serve in the common- 
wealth, to be set in place. Whom, if in the cause of reli- 
gion, God''s cause, they shall be slack, yet their own safety 
and state shall cavise to be vigilant, careful, and earnest for 
the conservation of her state, and maintenance of this altera- 
tion. And in all this, she shall do but the same that the 
late queen Mary did, to maintain and establish her re- 

The second of these five is the bishops and clergy, being 
in manner all made and chosen, such as were thought the 
stoutest and mightiest champions of the pope's church, who 
in the late times [by] taking from the crown, impoverishing 
it, by extorting from private men, and all other means pos- 
sible, perjhs et nefas, have thought to enrich and advance 
themselves; these her majesty, being enclined to so much 
clemency, yet must seek as well by parliament, as by the 
just laws of England, in the prcemunire, and other such 
penal laws, to bring again in order. And being found in 
default, not to pardon, till they confess their fault, put 
themselves wholly to her highness's mercy, abjure the pope 


of Rome, and conform themselves to the new alteration. 
And by this means well handled, her majesty''s necessity of 
money may be somewhat relieved. 

The third is to be amended even as all the rest above, 
by such means as queen Mary taught, that none such, as 
near as may be, be in commission of peace in the shires, 
but rather men meaner in substance and younger in years ; 
so that they have discretion to be put in place. A short 
law made and executed against assemblies of people without 
authority. Lieutenants made in every shire: one or two 
men known to be sure at the queen's devotion. In the 
mean time musters and captains appointed, viz. young gen- 
g tlemen which earnestly do favour her highness. No office 
of jurisdiction or authority to be in any discontented man's 
hand, as far as justice or law may extend. 

The fourth is not to be remedied otherwise than by 
gentle and dulce handleing, by the commissioners, and by 
the readiness and good-will of the lieutenants and captains 
to repress them, if any should begin a tumult, murmur, or 
provide any assembly, or stoutness to the contrary. 

The fifth, for the discontentation of such as could be 
content to have religion altered, but would have it go too 
far, the straight laws upon the promulgation of the book, 
and severe execution of the same at the first, will so repress 
them, that it is great hope it shall touch but a few. And 
better it were that they did suffer, than her highness or 
commonwealth should shake, or be in danger. And to this 
they must well take heed that draw the book. 

And herein the universities must not be neglected ; and 
the hurt that the late visitation in queen Mary's time did 
must be amended. Likewise such colleges where children 
be instructed to come to the university, as Eaton and Win- 
chester : that as well the encrease hereafter, as at this pre- 
sent time, be provided for. 

IV. What shall be the manner of the doing of it? 

This consultation is to be referred to such learned men 
as be meet to shew their minds herein ; and to bx'ing a plat 
or book hereof ready drawn to her highness. Which being 


approved of her majesty, may be so put into the parhament- 
house, to the which for the time it is thought that these are 
apt men ; Dr. Bill, Dr. Parker, Dr. May, Dr. Cox, Mr. 
Whitehead, Mr.Grindal, Mr. Pilkington. 

And sir Thomas Smith do call them together, and to be 
amongst them. And after the consultation with these, to 
draw in other men of learning and gravity, and apt men for 
that purpose and credit, to have their assents. 

As for that is necessary to be done before, it is thought 
most necessary, that a straight prohibition be made of all 
innovation, until such time as the book come forth ; as well 
that there should be no often changes in religion, which 
would take away authority in the common peoples estima- 
tion ; as also to exercise the queen's majesty's subjects to 

V. To the fifth. What may he done of her highness for 
her own conscience openly^ before the wliole alte?'ation : 
or, if the alteration must tarry longer, what order he 

Jit to he in the whole realm, as an interim .'* 
To alter no further than her majesty hath, except it be to 
receive the communion as her highness pleaseth on high feasts. 
And that where there be more chaplains at mass, that they 
do always communicate in both kinds. And for her high- 
nesses conscience till then, if there be some other devout 
sort of prayers or memory said, and the seldomer mass. 

VI. To the sixth. What nohlemen be most Jit to be made 
privy to these proceedings, before it he opened to the 
whole council ? 

The lord marquiss Northampton, the earl of Bedford, 
the earl of Pembroke, and the lord John Grey. 

VII. To the seventh. What allowance those learned men 
shall have,Jbr the time they are about to review the 
Book of Commoi Prayer, and order of ceremonies, 
and service in the church, and where they shall meet ? 

Being so many persons which must attend still upon it, 
two mess of meat is thought yet indifferent to suffice for 
them and their servants. 

The place is thought most meet [to be] in some set 


place, or rather at sir Thomas Smith's lodgings in Chanon 
Row. At one of these places must provision be laid in of 
wood, and coals, and drink. 

7 Number V. 

An act, whereby the queen'' s highness is restored in blood to 
the late queen Anne, her highness''s mother. 

La royne le veult. 
Ex archiv. WE your humble and obedient subjects, the lords spi- 
pa'rii. ritual and temporal, and commons in this present parlia- 

N-.xxi. ment assembled, for divers and sundry great and urgent 
causes and considerations us moving, most humbly beseech 
your majesty, that it may be enacted and established by 
your highness, with the assent of us, the said lords spiritual 
and temporal, and the commons of this present parliament 
assembled, and by the authority of the same ; that your 
hia-hness shall be from henceforth enabled in blood, and be 
inheritable, according to the due order and course of the 
common laws of this your realm, to the late queen Anne, 
your highness's mother, and to all other your majesty's ances- 
tors, and cousins of the part of your said mother : and that as 
much of every act, record, sentence, matter, or writing what- 
soever, as is or shall be hereunto contrary or repugnant, 
shall be from henceforth clearly and utterly void, and of no 
effect. Saving to all and every person or persons, bodies 
politic and corporate, their heirs, successors, and assigns, 
and the heirs, successors, and assigns of every of them, all 
such state, right, title, use, possession, and interest, as they 
or any of them have in, or to, any manors, lands, tenements, 
rents, annuities, fees, profits, commodities, and heredita- 
ments whatsoever, in such like manner, form, quality, con- 
dition, and degree, to all intents, constructions, and pur- 
poses, as they, or any of them, might or ought to have had, 
used, or enjoyed the same, if this act had never been had 
or made. 


Number VI. 

Hcthe^ archehisslwppe of Yorke, his oration made in the 

jjarUament liouse 1559, against the bill of the quene's 

supremacy e. 
My lordes all, 

WITH humble submission of my whole talke unto your FoxH mss. 
honours, I pourpose to speke to the body of this acte, touch- c. Syno- 
inge the supremacye. And that the doinges of this honour-'''*''^- 
able assembly may therein be allwayes fourther honourable, 
two thinges are right nedfull and necessarye of your wis- 
domes to be considered, Furst, when by the vertue of this 
acte of supremacye, we must forsake and flee from the sea 
of Rome, it wolde be considered by your wisdomes what 
matter liethe therin, as what matter of weight or force, what 
matter of daunger or inconveniaunce, or else whether there 
be none at all. Seconde, when th^intent of this acte is to 
geve unto the quene"'s highness a supremacye, it wolde be 
considered of your wisdomes what this supremacye is, and 
whether it do consiste in spirituall government or in tem- 
porall. If in temporall, what fourther authorite can this 
howse give unto her highness, then she hath already by 
right and inheritaunce, and not by your gifte, but by the 
appointment of God, she beinge our sovaraigne lord and 
ladie, our kinge and quene, our emperor and empresse ; 
other kinges and princes of dewtie ought to paye tribute 
unto her, she being free from them ail. If you will say, 
that this supremacye dothe consiste in spirituall govern- 
ment, then it wolde be considered what this spirituall go- 
vernment is, and in what ]X)intes it dothe chefFely remaine. 
Which beinge first agreed upon, it wolde be fourther con- 
sidered of your wisdomes, whether this house may graunt 
them unto her highness or not ; and whether her highness 
be an apt person to receave the same or not. And by the 
through examynation of all these partes, your honours shall 8 
procead in this matter groundely upon throughe knowledge, 
and not be deceaved by ignoraunce. 

Now to the firste pointe, wherein I promised to examyne 


this forsaklnge and fleynge from the sea of Rome, what 
matter either of weight, daunger, or inconvenyence dothe 
consiste therin. And if by this our relinquishing of the sea 
of Rome there were none other matter therin, then a with- 
drawinge of our obedience from the pope's person, Paul the 
IVth of that name, which hathe declared himself to be a 
very austere stern father unto us, ever since liis first en- 
traunce into Peter's chayre ; then the cause were not of suche 
great importaunce, as it is in very dede, when, by the re- 
linquishinge and forsakinge of the sea of Rome, we must 
forsake and flee from these four thinges. First, we must 
forsake and flee from all generall councells. Secondly, wc 
must flee from all canonicall and ecclesiasticall lawes of the 
churche of Christe. Third, from the judgment of all other 
Christian princes. Fourthe and last, we must forsake and 
flee from the unitie of Christens churche, and by leapinge 
out of Peter's shippe, hazarde our selves to be overwhelmed 
and drowned in the waters of schisme, sects, and divisions. 

First, touchinge generall councells, I shall onlye name 
unto you these foure, Nicene councell, Constantinopolitan, 
Ephesyne, and Chalcedon councell ; which are approved of 
all men, doubted of or denyed of no man. Of the whicli 
four councells, S. Gregory writethe in this wise, Sicut enim 
sancti evangelii quatuor libros, sic Jicec quatiior concilia^ 
Nicen. scil. Constantinopolitan. Ephesin. et Chalcidoncnse 
suscipere ac venerari me Jutcor. At Nicene councell, the 
first of the foure, the bisshoppes which were assembled did 
write their epistle to Sylvester, then bisshoppe of Rome, that 
their decrees made ther must be confirmed by his auc- 
thorytie. At the councell kept at Constantinople, all the 
bisshoppes there were obedyent to Damase, then bisshoppe 
of Rome. He, as cheffe judge of that councell, did give 
sentence against these heretickes, Macedonians, Sabellians, 
and Eunomians; which Eunomius was bothe an Arrian 
and the first avithor of this lieresie, that only faith doth 
justifie; and here, by the waye, it is muche to be lamentid, 
that we, thinhabitants of this realme, are muche more in- 
clined to rayse uppe the errors and sects of ancyent and 


condemned heretickes, then to follow the approved doctryne 
of the most catholicke and learned fathers of Chnste"'s 
churche. At Ephesyne councell, Nestorius, the hereticke, 
was condemned by Celestine, then bisshoppe of Rome, he 
beinge the chefFe judge there. At Chalcedonense, all the 
blsshoppes assembled ther, did wryte their humble submis- 
sion unto Leo, then bisshoppe of Rome, wherein they did 
acknowledge him to be their chefFe head. Therefore to 
deny the sea apostolike, were to contempne and set at nought 
the judgments of these foure notable councells. 

Second, We must forsake and flee from all canonicall and 
ecclesiasticall lawes of Christens churche, whereunto Ave have 
allredye confessed our obedience at the font, saying, Credo 
sanctam ecclesiam cathoUcam; which article conteynethe, 
that we muste beleve not onely that there is a holie catholike 
churche, but that we must receave also the doctrine and sa- 
craments of the same churche, obaye her lawes, and live ac- 
cordinge unto the same. Which lawes do depend wholly 
uppon thauchoritie of the sea apostolike, and lyke as it was 
here openly confessed by the judges of this realme, that the 
lawes made and agreed uppon, in the higher and lower 
house of this honourable parliament, be of small or none 
effect, before the reall assent of the kynge and prince be 
geven therto ; semblablye ecclesiasticall lawes made, cannot 
bynd the universall churche of Christe, without the reall as- 
sent and confirmation of the sea apostolike. 

The thirde. We must forsake and flee from the judgment 
of all Christian princes, whether they be protestants or ca- 
tholike, when none of them doe agree with these our do- 
inges; kinge Henry thEighth beinge the verye firste that 
ever tooke uppon him the tytell of supremacye. And 
whereas it was of late here in this house said by an honour- 
able man, that the tytell is of right dewe unto the kinge, for 
that he is a kinge; then it would follow, that Herod, beinge q 
a kinge, should be supreme head of the churche at Jerusa- 
lem ; and Nero th'emperour supreme head of the churche 
of Christe at Rome ; they bothe beinge infidells, and therby 
no members of Christens churche. And if our Saviour Jesus 



Christe, at his departure from this worlde, shoulde have lefte 
the spirituall governement of his churche into th'hands of 
emperors and kinges, and not to have commytted the same 
unto his apostells, howe negligently then shoulde he have 
lefte his churche, it shall appeare right well, by callinge to 
your remembraunce, that th'emperour Constantinus Magnus 
was the firste Christian emperour, and reigned about three 
hundred yeres after th'ascension of Christe : if therefore by 
your proposition Constantyne, the firste Christian empe- 
rour, was the firste chefFe head and spirituall governour of 
Christens churche througheout his empire, then it followithe, 
howe that our Savyour Christe for that whole tyme and 
space of three hundred yeares, untill the comynge of this 
Constantyne, lefte his churche, which he had dearly bought 
by th'effusyon of his most precyous bloode, without a head ; 
and therefore, how untrue the sayinge of this noble man 
was, it shall fourther appeare by th'example of kinge Ozias, 
and also of kinge David ; for when kinge Ozias did take the 
censer to incense the aulter of God, the priest Azarias did 
resiste him, and expell him out of the temple, and said unto 
him these wordes, Non est officii tui, Ozia, ut adoleas incen- 
sum Domino, sed est sacer datum etjiliorum Aaron; ad liujus- 
modi enim officium consecrati sunt. Now I shall moste 
humble demande of you this question, When this preste 
Azarias said unto this kinge Ozias, Non est officii tui, &c. 
whether he said truthe or no ? If you answere, that he spake 
the truthe, then the kinge Ozias was not the supreme head 
of the churche of the Jewes : if you shall saye, no ; whye 
did God then plague the kinge with a leprosie, and not the 
preste? The preste Azarias, in resistinge the kinge, and 
thrustinge him out of the temple, in so doinge did he playe 
the faithfull parte of a subjicte, or no ? If youe answer, no ; 
why did God then spare the preste, and plague the kinge ? 
If you answer, yea ; then it is most manyfest, Ozias, in that 
he was a kinge, coulde not be supreme head of the churche. 
And as touchinge th'example of kinge Davyd, in bringinge 
home the arke of God from the Philistians ad chitatem 
Davyd, what supremacye and spirituall government of 


Gode's arke did kinge Davyd there take upon him ? Did 
lie place himself amongest the prestes, or take upon him 
any spirituall function unto the prestes apperteynyng ? Did 
he approche nere unto the arke, or yet presume to towche 
the same: no, doubtless, when before ^he sawe Ozias" ^17'^.*''^ 

^ arclibisnop 

stncken by the hand of God for the ]yke arrogancye and forgot that 
presumption; and therefore kinge Davyd did goe before ^^^^'^^p^^^^^. 
the arke of God witii his harpe, makinge melodye, and David, but 
placed himselfe amongest the mynystrells, and so humblye^Jj"'^'!,;,,', 
did abase himselfe, beynge a kinge, as to daunce, skyppe, 
and leappe before the arke of God, lyke as his other sub- 
jectes : insomuche, that queue Micholl, kinge Saules dough- 
ter, beholding and seeynge the great humylitye of kinge 
Davyd, did disdayne therat. Wherunto kinge Davyd said, 
Ludam, ct vilior Jiam, phisquam JlicUis sum coram Domino 
meo, qui me elegit potius quam patrem tuum aut domum 
patris tui. And wliereas queue Micholl was therefore 
plagued at the hand of God perpetua stcrilitate, kinge 
Davyd receaved great prayse for his humylitie. 

Now it may please your honours, which of bothe these 
kinges examples it shalbe moste convenyent for your wis- 
domes to move our queue's highness to followe ; th'example 
of the proude kinge Ozias, and by your perswasion and 
counsells to take uppon her spiritual government, therby 
adventuringe youre selves to be plagued at Godes handes, 
as kinge Ozias was ; or else to follow th'example of good 
kinge Davyd, which in rcfusall of all spirituall government 
about the arke of God, did humble himselfe as I have de- 
clared unto you? Whereunto our sovcraigne ladye the 
queues highness of her own nature verye well inclyned and 
bent, we maye assure our selves to have of her highness as 
humble, as vertuous, and as godly a my stress to reigne over 1 
us, as ever had English people heere in this realme, if that 
her highness be not by our flattery and dissimulation se- 
duced" and begylyd. 

Fourth and last, We muste forsake and flee from the unitie 
of Christens churche, when saint Cyprian, that holye martyr, st.cypnan. 
saithe. That the unitie of the churche q/' Christe dothe de- 

Dd 2 


pend upon the unitie of Peter's authorytie ; therefore by 
our leapinge out of Peter's shippe, we must nedes be over- 
whelmed with the waters of schism, sects, and divisions, 
when the same holye martyr saint Cyprian saithe, in his 
thirde epistle ad Cornelium, that all heresies, sects, and 
schisms do springe onely, for that men will not be obedyent 
unto the head bysshoppe of God. The Latin whereof is, 
Neque enim aliunde hcereses abort ce sunt^ aut nata sint 
schismata, quin inde, quod sacerdoti Dei non ohtemperatur. 
And howe true this sayinge of Cyprian is, it is apparaunte 
to all men that listith to see by th*'example of the Ger- 
maynes, and by th''inhabitors of this realme. And this our 
forsakinge and fleeyng from the unitie of the churche of 
Rome, this inconvenyencie, amongest manye, must conse- 
quentely follow thereof, that eyther we must graunt the 
churche of Rome to be the churche of God, or else a 
malignant churche. If you answer, that it is of God, where 
Jesus Christe is truly tawght, and all his sacraments rightely 
minystered ; how then may wee disborden our selves of our 
forsakinge and fleeing that churche, whom we do confesse 
and knowledge to be of God, when with that churche, which 
is of God, we ought to be one, and not to admytte any sepa- 
ration ? If you answere, that the churche of Rome is not of 
God, but a malignant churche ; then it will follow, that we 
th'inhabitantes of this realme have not as yet receyved any 
benydSte of Christe, when we have receyved no other gos- 
pell, no other doctrine, no other faithe, no other sacraments, 
than were sent us from the churche of Rome ; first, in kinge 
Lucius his dayes, at whose humble epistle the holy martyr 
Elutherius, then bisshoppe of Rome, did send unto this 
realme two holy monkes, Faganus and Damyanus, by whose 
doctrine we were fyrst put to knowledge of the faithe of 
Jesus Christe, of his gospell, and of his most blessed sacra- 
ments. Secound, holy saint Gregorye, beynge bisshoppe 
of Rome, did send into this realme two other holy monkes, 
saint Augustyn and Mellitus, to receyve the very self same 
faithe of Jesus Christe, that was before plantid here in this 
realme in the dayes of kinge Lucius. Third and last, 


Paulus Tertius, being bisshoppe of Rome, did send the lord 
Cardinal! Poles good grace, by birthe a nobell man of this 
realme, as his legat, to restore us to the same faithe that the 
blessed martyr Elutherius, and holy saint Gregory e, had 
plantid here in this realme many yeres before. If therefore 
the churche of Rome be not of God, but a malignant 
churche, then we have byne deceyved all this while, when 
the gospel, the doctrine, faithe, and sacraments, must be of 
the same nature that the churche is of, from whence it 
came. And therefore in relinquishinge and forsakinge of 
that churche, as a malignant churche, th'inhabitants of this 
realme shalbe forced to seke fourther for another gospell of 
Christe, other doctrine, faithe, and sacraments, then we hi- 
therto have receyved. Which shall brede suche a schism 
and error in faithe, as was never in any Christian realme ; 
and therefore of your wisdomes worthy consideration, and 
maturely to be providid for before you passe this acte of 

Thus much towchinge the firste chefFe pointe. Now to 
the second cheffe pointe ; wherein I promyssed to move your 
honours to consider, what this supremacie is, which we goo 
about by vertue of this acte, to gyve unto the queue's high- 
ness, and wherein it dothe consiste, as whether in spiritual 
government or in temporall. If in spiritual, like as the 
wordes of the acte do ymporte, scil. supream head of the 
churche of England, ymmediat and next under God; then 
it wolde be considered of your wisdomes in what pointes 
this spirituall government dothe consiste; and the pointes 
being well knowen, it wolde be considered, whether this 
howse have aucthorite to graunt them, and her highness 
abilitie to receave the same. 

And as towchinge the poynte wherin the spiritual go- j j 
vernmente dothe consiste, I have in readinge the gospel ob- 
served these foure, amongest manye : wherof the first is to 
loose and binde, when our Saviour Jesus Christ, in ordeyn- 
inge Peter to be the chefFe governor of his church, said unto 
him, Tibi dabo claves regni coelorum; qicodcunque ligaveris 
super terram, er'it ligatum et in caelis, et quodcunque solve- 

nd 3 


ris, erit soluium et in coelis. Now it wolde be considered of 
your wisdoms, whether you have sufficient authorytie to 
graunt unto her highness this first point of spiritual govern- 
mente, and to say to her, Tibi ddbimus claves regni ccelo- 
rum ; if you say, yea, then we requier the sight of your 
waraunte and commysslon, by the vertue of God's word. 
And if you say, no, then you may be well assured, and per- 
swade your selves, that you have no sufficient authoritie to 
make her highness supreme head of the church here in this 
realme. The second pointe of spiritual government is ga- 
thered of these words of our Saviour Jesus Christ, spoken 
unto Peter in the 21st chapter of saint John's gospel, Pasce, 
pasce, pasce. Now whether your honours have authority, 
by this liigh courte of parliamente, to say unto our soveraign 
ladie, Pasce, pasce, pasce, you muste shewe your waraunte 
and commyssion. And fourther, that her highness, beyinge 
a woman by birthe and nature, is not qualyfied by God's 
worde to feed the flock of Chryst, it appeareth most playnlye 
by St. Paul on this wise, saying, Taceant mulieres in eccle- 
siis : non enim permittetur eis loqui, seel subditas esse, sicut 
(licit lex: and it followethe in the same place, Qiiod turpe 
est mulieri loqui in ecclesiis. And in his first epistle to 
Timothy, the second chapter, saythe, Docere autem mulieri 
non permitto, neque dominari in virum, sed in siletitio esse. 
Therefore it appeareth, that lyk as your honours have not 
his authoritie to gyve her highness this second pointe of 
spiritual government to feed the flock of Chryst; so by 
Paul's doctryne her highness may not entermeddle her self 
Avith the same : therefore she cannot be supreame head of 
Chryst's church here in this realme. The third and cheffe 
pointe of spiritual government is gathered of the wordes of 
our Saviour Jesus Christ, spoken unto Peter, Luc. the 22d 
chapter, Eg-o rogavi pro te, ut non dejiciat fides tua ; et tu 
aliquando conversus confirmajr aires tuos. Whereby it ap- 
peareth, that one chief pointe of spiritual government is to 
coniirme his brethren, and ratifie them bothe by holsome 
doctryne, and administracion of the blessed sacraments. But 
to preach or mynister the holy sacraments, a woman may 


not; neither may she be supreme head of the churche of 
Chryst. The fourthe and last pointe of spiritual govern- 
ment, which I promyssed to observe and note unto you, 
dothe consiste in excommunication and spiritual punysh- 
ment of all such as shall approve themselves not to be the 
obedient children of Chryst's churche. Of the which autho- 
ritie our Saviour Chryst speakethe in saint Matthew, the 
18th chapter, there sayinge. Die ecdesicB, si autem ecclesiam 
non audierit, sit tibi tanquam ethnicus et puhlicanus. And 
the apostle St. Paul did excommunicate the notorious forny- 
cator, that was amongest the Corinthes, by the authoritie of 
his apostleshippe. Unto the which apostles, Chryste as- 
cending into heaven, did leave the whole spii-itual govern- 
ment of his churche, as it apperethe by the plaine wordes of 
Paul, in his epistel to the Ephesyans, the 4th chapter ; Ipse 
dedit ecclesice suce quosdam apostolos, alios evangelistas, * 
alios jjastores et doctores, in opus ministerii, in cedifica- 
tionem corporis Christi. But a woman, in the degrees of 
Chryst's churche, is not called to be an apostel, nor evan- 
gelst, nor to be a shepherd, neyther a doctor or preacher. 
Therfor she cannot be supreme head of Christ's militant 
churche, nor yet of any part therof. 

Thus muche I have here said, right honourable, and my 
very good lordes, against this act of supremacie, for the dys- 
charge of my conscience, and for the love, dread, and feare, 
that I chefFely owe unto God and my sovarayne ladie the 
quene's highness, and unto your lordshippes all; when 
otherwyse, and without mature consideration of these pre- 
mysses, your honours shall never be able to shewe your 
faces before your enymyes in this matter, beying so rash an 
example and spectacle in Chryst's churche, as in this realme 
onely to be found, and in none other. Thus humble be- 
seeching your good honours to take in good part this rude 1 2 
and playne speche that I have here used, of much good 
zeal and will, I shall now leave to trouble your honours 
any longer. 

D d 4 


Number VII. 

Scot, bishop of Chester, his speech in parlament against the 
hill of the supremacy e. 

FoxiiMSS. IVIY lord, and my lords all, I do perceave that this 
bill hathe now ben IvAce read, and by the order of this 
howse must be reade the thirde time. Which order I think 
was appoynted so to be observed for this end, that every 
man, being a member of this howse, sholde fully under- 
stand, and so at large speke his mind in conscience in the 
contents of all the bills preferred and read here, before they 
should be inacted and establyshed as lawes. Wherefore I 
consideringe that this bill hathe ben nowe t\\"ise redde, and 
hathe accordingly ben spoken unto gravely, wiselye, and 
leamedlye, by dyvers of this honourable companye, and 
» that I for my parte as yet have said nothinge therein, I 
shall most humblye desier your good lordshippes to gyve 
me leave, and pacyentlye to heare what I have to saye, as 
concemynge this present bill. And yet to confesse unto 
your lordshippes the truthe, ther be two thinges that do 
much move me, and, as it were, pull me backe from speak- 
ing any thinge in this matter. The first is, that I perceave 
the quene''s highness, whom I pray God longe to preserve, 
is, as it were, a partie therin, unto whom I do acknowledge 
that I owe obedience, not onlye for wrathe and displeasures 
sake, but for conscience sake, and that by the scriptures of 
God. The second is, the reverence I have to those noble 
men, unto whom this bill was comvttid to be weyed and con- 
siderid, whose doings, I assure your good lordshippes, is a 
great comfort, not onely unto me, but also, as I do thinke, 
unto all that be of the profession that I am of, with manye 
other besides. First, for that their devocions towards All- 
myghtie God, dothe appeare, seinge, they will not suffer 
the service of the churche, and the dew admynistration of 
the holie sacraments therof, to be disanulled or all reddye 
altered, but to be contened [retained] as they have ben here- 
tofore. And secondlye, for that their charitie and pittie 
towards the poor clargie of this realme dothe appeare in 


mytygatinge th'extreme penalties mentioned in this bill for 
the gayne-sayers of the contents of the same. 

But ther be two other thinges of more weight, that do 
move me to speke in this matter what I thinke. The firste 
is Allmyghtie God, which I knowe dothe looke, that, ac- 
cordinge to the profession whereunto (althoughe 1 be un- 
worthy e) I am called, I shoulde speke my mnyde in suche 
matters as this is, when they be callyd in question. The 
secounde is my conscience, which dothe urge me to do the 

Wherefore, nowe to speke of the matter, this I saye, that 
our faithe and religion is mayntayned and contynued by no 
one thinge so muche as by unytie ; which unytie is con- 
tynued and mayntayned in Christe''s churche, evin as Con- 
corde and good order is mayntayned in a commonwealthe. 
Wherein as we see for civill quietness, there is appointed in 
every village one constable. And least ther shoulde anye 
varyance fall amongest them, ther is againe in everj^e houn- 
drethe one head counstable, in whome all the other infe- 
riours be as knitte in one. And where theyre be in one 
shiere dyvers houndrethes, to make away all controverses, as 
myght chaunce amongest the said head constables of these 
hundrethes, of that thei be joyned as in one. The sherifes 
likewyse be joyned in one prince, which prince beinge de- 
pryved of his princely aucthorytie, the unitie and Concorde 
of that realme is dissolvid, and every man chosethe himselfe 
a newe lord. Evin so it is in the churche of Christe, accord- 
inge to the commandment of saint Paule. Ther is in everye 
village at the least one preiste ; in everye cittie, one bis- 
shoppe, in whom all the preistes within the diocesse be 
knytte in one; in every province one metropolitan, in whome, 13 
for the avoidinge of controversies, all the bisshoppes of that 
province be joyned; and for unitie to be observed amongest 
the metropolitanes, they be hkewise joyned in one highe 
bisshoppe, called the pope, whose aucthoritie beinge taken 
away, the shepe, as the scripture sayethe, be scattred 
abrode. For avoydinge whereof, our Savyour Christe be- 
fore his dcathe prayed, that we myght be all one, as his Fa- 


ther and he be one ; which thinge cannot be, except we have 
all one head. And therefore Almyghtie God saide by the 
profitte Ezechiel, Suscitaho super eos pastorem nnum ; I 
•will stir' up over them one pastoure. And our Savyour in 
the gospell likewise saythe, Ther shalhe one pastoure and 
one shepefoulde. Which sentences peradventure some men 
will saye to be applyed onely to our Savyour Christe, which 
in very dede I must nedes graunt to be so ; yet this I may 
saye, these places be applied to him onely, as other like 
places of scripture be ; for it is said in the scripture, that 
onely God is immortall, and by participation with him, all 
Ave that be trewe Christian men be made immortall ; onely 
God forgyvethe synne, and yet by commission from him, 
prestes hathe aucthorytie to forgyve sin. He is onely kinge, 
and by commission makethe kinges; and likewise he is 
onely preste after thorder of Melchisedech, and by com- 
mission makethe prestes : he of himself, and by none other ; 
all the rest by him, and not of themselves. So he is our 
onely pastour, and by commission hathe made other pas- 
tours, and especially one to be vicar-generall in earthe, to 
governe and rule all his whole flocke in unitie and concorde, 
and in avoydinge of schismes and divysions. And likewyse 
as he sent one Holie Ghoste to rule and governe his people 
inwardly, so he appoynted one governor to rule and lead 
them outwardlye. 

Which one head governor cannot be applied to any tem- 
porall prince : for then eyther must we nedes graunt that the 
churche of Christe was not perfecte, but rather a manke 
bodye without a head by the space of three hvmdred yeres 
and more, (for so longe was it after the deathe of our Sa- 
vyour Christe before there was any one Christian prince in 
all the worlde,) or else, that Christe appointid an infidell, 
beinge no member of his churche, to be head thereof; which 
bothe be absurdities. Againe, that Christe appointid no 
temporal prince to be head of his churche it appearethe, by 
that we see in dy vers kingdomes ther be dyvers and sundrye 
princes and rulers, so that ther shoulde by that meanes be 
many heads of one bodye, the whiche weare a monstrouse 


thinge. Thirdly, that he appoynted no temporall prince to 
be head of the churche, it appearithe by the worde it selfe, 
spoken by our Savyour Christe, Pasce, Fede, which he spoke 
not to Herode, Pilate, nor yet to Tyberius the emperour : 
but he spoke them unto Peter, sayinge, Pasce oves vieas. 
And wher peradventure some man will cavill and argue of 
the Greke worde spoken by our Savyour Christe in that 
place, which dothe signifie not onely tojied, but also to rule 
and governe ; I answer, that I do not knowe where that 
worde is applied unto any temporall ruler in the Newe 
Testament ; and if it so were, yet it dothe not prove ther 
intent, for other manyfeste and playne places of scripture 
do exclude them from suche aucthoritie, notwithstandinge 
that the same scripture dothe gyve them verye great auctho- 
ry tie, commandinge us to obeye the same ; declaringe with- 
all, that they beare the sworde not in vayne, nor without 
cawse. But nowe marke this worde sworde, which princes 
had before the comynge of our Saviour Christe ; and that 
he did gyve them any further aucthorytie we reade not, but 
lefte them as he founde them. And as he did gyve them no 
spirituall aucthorytie, so I do not see that he did take any 
temporall rule from them. Wherefore he commandid Peter 
to putt uppe his sworde, because he had gyven hym other 
instruments to use, wherein was included his aucthorytie, 
that is to saye, the keyes of the kingdome of heaven, say- 
inge, Tihl dabo claves regni coelorum. In these keyes, and 
in exercysinge of the same, consistethe all aucthorytie eccle- 
siastical gyven by God unto any man. Unto whom he hathe 
not by scripture gyven these keyes, they have no right to it. 
Wherefore it followethe, that no temporal prince hathe any 1 4 
aucthorytie ecclesiasticall in or over the churche of Christe, 
seeynge, that the keyes were never gyven unto any of them. 
And here I knowe it wilbe objectid against me, that as 
this place dothe make against the supremacye of princes, so 
dothe it not make for the primacye of saint Peter. For 
saint John dothe witnesse in the 20th chapter of his gos- 
pell, that our Savyour Christe did gyve the keyes not onely 
to Peter, but also unto all his apostells, when he did breathe 


upon them, sayinge, Accipite Spiritum Sanctum ; Take ye 
the Holye Ghoste : wliose synnes ye for gyve heforgyvin to 
them, and whose synnes ye reteyne are reteyned. And 
dyvers of the ancyent writers do lykwise saye, that the 
keyes were given unto all the apostells. But yet in one 
place or other the same aucthors do declare, that they were 
gyven unto Peter principally ; as Hilarius, where he saithe, 
spekeinge of that matter, Dated sunt claves Petro principor- 
lius, in quantum erat aliorum capitaneus. " The keyes 
" (saythe he) were gyven to Peter princypallye, in that he 
" was cheffe and capitayne of the other." And if that any 
man yet will contende, that this place dothe gyve no more 
aucthorytie to Peter than to the rest of the apostells, I have 
rede another place of scripture, whiche dothe exclude the 
rest of the apostells from equalitie of aucthorytie with Peter, 
in the rule and government of the churche of Christe, and 
that is the changynge of his name ; for at Peter''s firste met- 
inge with our Savyour Christe, his name was Symon, as it is 
ther mentionede in these wordes, Symon the sone of Jona, 
thow shalte he called Cephas, that is to say, a stone, or a 
rocJce. And for what consideration and end Christe gave 
hym that name, it dothe appeare in the 16th of saint Mat- 
thew, in these wordes, Tu es Petrus, &c. Thou arte Peter ; 
that is to saye, a stone, or a rocke ; and upon this stone, or 
rocke, I will buylde my churche. Here I shall dessire youe 
to note, that Peter hathe a promysse made unto hymselfe 
alone, whiche was made to no other of the apostells ; that is, 
that as he had receaved a newe name, so he shoulde have 
a newe priveledge or preferment, to be the foundation, 
grounde, and staye of Christens churche, beynge buylded 
upon hym, for he was called a rocTce or stone, for the stabi- 
litie and constancye that shoulde allwayes appeare in the 
churche, beinge builded upon hym a sure foundation, and 
ymmovable. Which thinge dothe nowe appeare in the suc- 
cession of Peter : for as concernynge the otlier apostles in 
theire own persons, I do not doubte but durynge their lyves 
naturall, they were as fyrme and stable in the faithe of 
Christe, as Peter was ; but for their succession we have no 


suche proofe, seeynge, that onely the succession of Peter 
dothe contynue in the churche of Christe, the hke appear- 
inge in none of thother apostles : which is the onelye staye of 
the same in earthe, and undoubtedly shalbe until the worldes 
end. This place of scripture, in my judgment, if ther wer 
no more, is sufficient to prove, that Peter and his successors 
be appointid of Christe to have the rule and government of 
his church in earthe above all others, bothe spirituall and 
temporall, and yet I do knowe that ther maye and also will 
objections be layd against these my sayings. For some will 
saye, that Christe himselfe is the stone wherupon his churche 
is buylded; and some will saye, that the profession that 
Peter made of Christe, when he sayde, Tiwu art the sone of 
the lyvinge God : which be bothe trewe, and yet not repug- 
nant to that which I have sayd befor ; for all these three 
understandings well pondered and considered in their dy- 
vers respects may stande togyther. But I do thinke, that 
if the mynd and intent of our Savyour Christe, when he 
spake these wordes, Thoxo arte Peter, &c. be well weyed, 
the place it selfe dothe declare, that it is specially to be un- 
derstanded of the person of Peter and his successors. For 
undoubtedly he knowinge that infidehtie and heresyes 
shoulde so encrease and abound, that his churche and faithe 
shoulde be in daunger to be overthrowen and extinguished, 
made promyse ther so to provyde by Peter and his suc- 
cessors, that it shoulde be alwayes knowen, where his faithe 
shoulde be had and sought for again, if it were any wher 
lost, unto all men that woulde with humilitie desier, seke 
after, and receave the same. 

So that we nowe, if we shoulde understand that place of 1 5 
our Saviour Christe, which is the firste and trewe stone of 
this buyldinge in very dede, what certeyntie can we have of 
our faithe ? Or howe shall we staye our selves, waveringe in 
the same in this our tyme ? For at this present ther be abrode 
in Christendom 34 sundrye sects of opynions, wherof 
never one agreeth with another, and all differ from the ca- 
tholike churche. And every one of these sects do saye and 
affyrme constantly e, that their profession and doctryn is 


builded upon Christe, alledglnge scripture for the same. 
And they all and every of them, thus challynging Christe 
to be ther foundation by scripture, howe shoulde any man 
knowe to which of them he may safely gyve credit, and so 
obaye and followe ? 

The lyke is to be said of Peter"'s confession, wherin we 
can have no sure tryall : for every one of these sects or hc- 
resyes dothe confesse and acknoledge Christe to be the sone 
of the livinge God. So that I thinke I may conclude that 
our Savyour Christe in this place, saying, that he xvoiild 
builde his dmrche upon a stone, did meane by the stone 
Peter and his successors, wherunto men myght savely cleave 
and leane, as unto a sure and unmovable rocke in matters of 
faithe, knowinge certeynly that in so doinge they shall not 
falle, I meane in faithe ; as we do moste manyfestly see it 
hathe come to passe, and contynued for the space of a thow- 
sand fy ve hundrethe yeres and odde. 
•^ctimis'a- ^ ^^^^ heard objectid here of late against the supremacye 
gainste the of Peter and his successors, dyvers reasons which appeare 
JremLy"" ""^° ^^ ^° ^^^^ ^" ^^^^"^ ?>m2\\ substance, as I trust it shall 
appeare unto youe by the unfoldinge of the same. And for 
the better understandinge of the same, I will brynge them 
unto three head-places. 
!• Wherof the firste dothe consyste in the wycked and evyll 

lives, as it is alledged, of certayne popes of Rome ; which, as 
I do thinke, were nothinge so wycked as they were repoi'ted 
to have ben : but lett that be, they were so ; what then ? A 
man is a man, and, as the scripture sayethe, Qids est homo, 
qui non peccet ? What man is he that synneth not ? Again, 
if that our Savyour Christe had made the lyke warrant unto 
Peter and his successors, as concerninge their conversation 
and lyvinge, as he did for the continuaunce and stabilitie of 
their fay the, and had said unto Peter, Ego rogavi pro te ut 
non pecces ; I have prayed for thee, that thoio shalt not 
synne: as he sayd, Ego rogavi pro te ut non defic'mtjides 
tua ; I have prayed that thy e Jay the shall never fayll : then 
ther evill lyves had ben an argument to have proved, that 
they had not ben the true successores of Peter, nether had 


liad any suclie aucthoritie gyven unto them of God. But 
seeyngc that the wai'rant was made only for the continuance 
of their faithe, wherin they have hitherto, and do yet moste 
constantly stand, without any mencyon of their conversation 
and livingc, it is in my judgment no profe nor argument 
against the aucthorytie and supremacye of the sea of Rome ; 
as we see that the adulterye and murther commytted by 
kinge Davyd, dothe not dimynysshe the aucthorytie of godly 
psalmes wrytten by hym ; neyther the dissolute lyvinge and 
idolatry e of kynge Salomon is prejudiciall to dyvcrs bookes 
of scripture wrytten by him , nor yet the covetousness of 
the prophet Balaam did let, in any condition, the vertue and 
strength of God, the blessinge of God sent unto the chil- 
dren of Irsaell by hym, nor the truthe of the prophecye, as 
concernynge the cominge of our Savyour Christe, by hym 
likewise pronounced: even so the lyves of the popes of 
Rome, were they never so wycked, cannot be prejudicial to 
the aucthorytie gyven to Peter and his successores, by the 
mouthe of our Savyour Christe. 

The somme of the objections secondarilye made againste i 
his aucthorytie, dothe consiste (as they do alledge) in cer- 
tayne canons of the councell of Nicene, and the sixth coun- 
cell of Carthage, with the departure of the Greke churche 
and other realmes now in our dayes from the aucthorytie of 
the said sea of Rome. As concerninge the councell of Ni- 
cene, I do marvell that they will alledge any thinge therin 
conteyned in this matter, seeynge in the preface of the said l6 
councell it is declared, that this aucthorytie which we spcke 
of is gyven unto the said sea by no councells or synods, but 
by the evangelicall voyce of our Savyour Jesus Christe ; and 
also the fathers of the said councell beynge condescended 
and agreed in all matters of controversy e, moved in that ther 
assembly, wrotte unto the pope, desiringe to have ther de- 
crees confirmed by his aucthorytie, as it dothe more at large 
appeare in ther epistle writen in that behalfe. Further, 
Athanasius, which was present at the said councell, and after 
patriarche of Alexandria, dothe not onelye acknoledge the 
cure and charee of the universall churche of Christe to be 


gyven to Peter and his successors, but also, beinge univer- 
sally depry ved, did appeall unto the pope of Rome, and by 
him was restored againe. And likewise the sixt councell of 
Carthage makethe nothinge for ther purpose : for the su- 
premacie of the pope was not called in question ther, but 
some varyaunce ther was in dede, which consistith in this 
point onelye, whether a bisshoppe or a preste beinge ac- 
cused and troubled, and thinkinge hymselfe to have wronge, 
myght appeall to Rome for the better examynation and 
tryall of his cawse or no : as one Appiarius, a preste, had 
done then in Afrike. Ther was alledged for appellations to 
be made to Rome, a canon of Nicene councell, which indede 
was sought for, and coulde not be founde. Which was no 
marvell ; for whereas the fathers in Nicene councell made 
seventy canons, throughe the wickedness of heretickes, ther 
was then but founde remayninge onely twenty-one. Yet that 
notwithstandinge the bisshoppes of Africke did not longe 
after submytte themselves to the churche of Rome in that 
point. Also, they use to inculcate the aucthoritie of this 
councel, for bycause that St. Augustine was present at it ; 
as he was indede, which makethe directly againste them. 
For saint Augustyne dothe everye where in his workes ac- 
knoledge the supremacye of St. Peter and his successors ; as 
is in his 162 epistle, sayinge thus, In Romana ecclesia sem- 
per viguit apostoUccB cathedrcE principatus : In the churche 
of Rome hathe allways hen strengthened or Jlorysshed the 
ride or aucthoritie of the apostolike chayre. 
The Greek And wliere I heard a question moved here of late, whe- 
ther that ever the Greke churche did acknoledge the supe- 
' rioritie of the church of Rome or no ? Of the which matter 

I marvell that any man dothe doubt, seynge that the Greke 
churche did not onely acknoledge, but also contynue in obe- 
dience under the said churche of Rome, by the space of 
eight hundrethe yeres at the least, so far as I can read my 
self, or learne of others. And after that it did first renounce 
the said aucthoritie, it did returne againe Avith submyssion 
fourteen several tymes, as good authors write, and as we 
may partely gather by the councell of Florence, which was 


about a hundred and fourty-one years ago ; whereas the pa- 
triarche of Constantinople hymself was present amongest 
other bushoppes and learned men of Grece, in the which 
this matter in controversy was determyned and agreed upon, 
as it dothe manifestely appeare in the canons of the said 
councell. Moreover, if the Greke churche wer not under 
the aucthoritie and rule of the churche of Rome, what shall 
we think of the storye of Anthemas, patriarche of Constan- 
tinople, which was deposed for the heresye of Eutyches, by 
the pope Agapetus : for whose restitution earnest and longe 
sute was made by the emperesse Theodora that then was, 
first to the pope Silverius, and after to his successor Vigi- 
lius, and coulde in no condition be obtayned. But as touch- 
ing the Greke churche, and the departure of the same from 
the churche of Rome, thus we maye briefely say and con- 
clude, that after it did divyde it self from the churche of 
Rome, it did by lyttel and lyttel fall into extreme myseryes, 
captivity, and bondage ; in the which at this present it dothe 
remayne. And as concernynge other countryes that have 
renounced the foresaid avicthoritie, as Germany, Denmarke, 
and as it was here said, Polonia ; this I have to saye, that 
the myseryes and calamityes that Germany hathe suffered 
synce ther departure from the churche of Rome, may be a 
warnynge and example to all other nations to learne by, and 
beware of the like attempt. And as for Denmark, I do 
hear indede they be very Lutherans, and have also re- 
nounced the pope's aucthoritie, but yet I cannot learn, nor 1 7 
heare, that eyther the kinge of Denmarke, or yet any prince 
of Germany, doth take upon hym to be callyd supreme head 
of the churche. And as for Polonia, althoughe it be trobled 
with heresyes, as other realmes be, yet I cannot learne, that 
eyther the kinge or the clargie therof hathe or dothe gyve 
any place to the same, but of the contrarye dothe most Poland, 
earnystly withstand them, as may ryght well appeare by 
certeyn bookes set out this last yere, that is 1558, by a bu- 
shoppe of Polonia, called Stanislaus Hosius ; in the which 
it is declared, amongest many other things, that earnest sute 
was made by the protestantes to have three things graunted 



and suffered to be practyssed within that reahne ; that is to 
saye, that prestes myght have wyves ; to have the publyke 
servyce in ther vulger tongue ; and the sacrament of the 
aulter niynistred under bothe kyndes ; which all three were 
denyed them. Whereby it apperethe playnly, that Polo- 
iiia is not in that case that men reported it to be in. But 
and if it were so, that all these realmes, yea, and mo, were 
gone from the obedyence of that churche, dothe it therefore 
folio we, that the aucthoritie thereof is not juste? I thinke 
not so. For as Ferdynandus, now emporour, descendinge 
justely by election from Constantyne the Great, if the em- 
pire which was under Constantyne's rule were divyded into 
twentye parties, it bathe scarcely one of the twentye, and 
yet the aucthoritie of an emperour contynuethe in hym still. 
And as the departure of Gascoygne, Guyne, Normandye, 
Scotland, and Fraunce, which were all sometymes under 
th'imperial crowne of England, dothe not take away th''auc- 
thoritie thereof, but that it is ap imperial crowne still ; even 
so dothe not the departure of these countreyes from the sea 
of Rome dymynyshe the aucthoritie gyven unto the same 
by God. Besides that St. Paul sayethe, That ther shalbe a 
departinge hefor the day of judgment, which allthoughe 
some understand of th'empyre, yet the most part referre it 
to the churche of Rome, from whence men shall faull and 
departe by infidelitie and heresies ; but whether it shalbe in 
all countryes at one tyme or dyvers tymes, it is uncertayne. 
in. Thirdly, ther is alledged a provyncyall councell or assem- 

abo]ished bly of the bisshoppes and clargy of tfife realme of England, 
by a pro- \^y whom the aucthoritie of the bisshoppe of Rome was abo- 
councii in lisshed and disanulled : which now some inculcate against 

this realm, ^^ matter of ffreat weioht and aucthoritie, wheras in 

answered. ' o o -" 

very dede it is to be taken for a matter of small aucthoritie, 

or else none. For first, we knowe that a particuler or pro- 
vyncyall councell can make no determination against the 
universall churche of Christe. Secondarily, of the learned 
men that were the doers ther, so manye as be dead, before I 
they died were penytent, and cryed God mercye for that 
acte; and those that do lyve, as all your lordshippes do 


knowe, hathe openly revoked the same, acknowledginge 
ther error. And wher some here dothe saye, that they will 
never trust those men, which once denyed the pope'^s 
aucthoritie, and, nowe of the contrary, stand in the defence 
of the same; in my judgment, their sayings be not greatly 
to be allowed. For it may happen, as often tymes it dothe 
chaunce indede, that a man of honestie, worshippe, yea of 
honour, maye comytte treason against his prince, and yet by 
the goodness of the same prince be pardoned for that of- 
fence, shall we determinately saye, that man is never after 
to be trusted in the prince's affaires 't Nay, God forbyd : " 
but rather thinke of the contrarye, that he which once 
hathe rune so hastely and I'ashely, that he hathe over- 
throwne hymself, and fallen, and broken his browe or his 
shynne, will after that take hede to walke more warily. As 
we may learne at the apostles of our Saviour Christe, which 
did all forsake hym, and rune away, when he was appre- 
hended [and brought] before the Jews ; and specially of St. 
Peter, which did thrice denye hym. And yet after, as well 
Peter as all the rest of th"" apostles did retume againe to 
their master Christe, and never woulde after, for neyther 
persecution nor deathe, forsake or denye him any more. So 
that it may appear, although men have once gone astraye, 
if they returne to the truthe agayne, their testimonies in the 
truthe be not to be discredetid. And so I truste that you 1 8 
see that all these reasons and objections, made against the 
aucthoritie of the churche of Rome, be of none effect, if 
they be indifferently wayed and considered. 

And wheras ther was a reason made here, that a tempo- Another 
rail prince, unto whom no ecclesiasticall jurisdiction or rule ^^^"™'^"^_ 
is gyven or committed by God, cannot himself be head of preumcy 
the churche of Christe ; so he cannot substitute nor appoint 
another to exercise any suche jurisdiction or aucthoritie in 
spirituall matters in or over the churche of Christe under 
hym : for as it was then sayd, no man can gyve to another 
that thino-e which he hathe not himself: whereunto this an- 
swer was made, that a prince may gyve to another that 
aucthoritie which he hathe not hymself, neyther may exer- 

Ee 2 


cise ; as for example, they alledge, that a kinge of himself 
is not a jvidge, and yet he hathe aucthoritie to appoint 
judges to mynyster justice. And likewise they said, that a 
kinge hymself is no capitayn, and yet hathe aucthoritie to 
appoint capitayns under hym, for defence of his realme, and 
overthrowe of his enemyes : and even so, say they, he may 
appoint and substitute one under hym to exercise spirituall 
jurysdiction, allthoughe he have no suche aucthoritie hym- 
self. Which reasons appeare unto me not only to be verye 
weake and feble, but also to be playne false, and against 
scripture, which dothe declare, that the office of a kinge 
dothe consiste especially in these two points, which these men 
denye to be in hym ; that is, in playinge of the judge, and 
mynistringe of justice to his subjects, and likewise in play- 
inge the valiant capitayne, in defendinge of the same his 
subjects from all injury e and wronge, as the 8th chapter of 
the first Book of Kings declarethe in these wordes, Judica- 
hit nos rex noster, et egredietur ante nos et pugnabit hella 
nostra pro nobis ; that is. Our Mnge shall Judge us, and he 
shall goefourthe before us, and he shall Jyght our battailles 
for us. And likewise Nathan said unto Davyd's own person, 
Responde mihi Judicium : Make me answer accordinge to 
Justice. And likewise Solomon hymself did gyve sentence 
and judgement between the two common women, which of 
them two was mother of the child which was alive. And as 
for to prove that those kings with other in the Olde Testa- 
ment were capitayns themselves, in the defence of their 
realmes, is more manyfest, than I shall nede to travell in 
provinge of the same. 

And thus to drawe unto an end, I trust your lord- 
shippes do see, that for unytie and concord in faithe and 
religion, to be preservid and contynued in the churche, our 
Saviour Christe, the spouse thereof, hathe appointed one 
head or governour, that is to wit, Peter, and his successors, 
whose faithe he promysed shoulde never decaye, as we see 
manyfestely it hathe not indede. And for those men which 
wryte and speake against this aucthoritie, if therwith their 
wrytings and their doings be well considered, they shall ap- 


pear to be suche, as small credit or none is to be gyven 
unto in matters of weyght, suche as this is. For who so 
redith the third chapter of the second epistle of St. Paul to 
Tymothie, may see them there lively described with their 
doings. And specially one sentence therein may be applyed 
and verified of them most justely ; that is, Semper discentes, 
et 7iunquam ad scientiam veritatis pervenientes ; that is to 
saye, Alwayes learnynge and never comminge to the knoiv- 
ledge of truthe. For as we see them varye amongest them- 
selves, one from another, so no one of them dothe agree 
Avith himself in matters of religion two yeres together. And 
as they be gon from the sure rocke and staye of Christe's 
churche, so do they reel and waver in their doctryne, wherin 
no ccrteyntie nor staye can be founde. Whereof St. Paul 
dothe admonyshe us, and teache us in the person of his 
scholer Tymothie, to be constante in doctryne and religion, 
and not to follow suche men. For after, in the same chap- 
ter he sayeth thus ; Tti vero permane in its qucE didicisti, 
et quce credita sunt tibi, sciens a quo didiceris. But as Jor 
tJiee, saythe St. Paul, speaking unto every Christian man in 
the person of Tymothe, contynue in those thinges ichich 
thoza hast learned, and •which be credited unto thee, knoxv- 
inge of whom thou hast learned them. In which wordes we 
myght understand that St. Paul dothe not move any man 
to continew in any false or untrue doctryne. Wherfore he IQ 
movethe every man to consider, not onely his religion and 
doctryne, but also, or rather, the schoolemaster of whom he 
learned the same. For of the knowledge, constancye, and 
worthyness of the schoolemaster, or teacher, may the doc- 
tryne, taught by him, be knowen to be good and sound, or 
otherwise. Now if a man shoulde aske of these men in this 
realme, which dissent from the catholike churche, not onely 
in this point of the supremacie, but also in dyvers of the 
chefFe mystryes of our faithe, of whom they learned this 
doctryne which they holde and teache, they must nedes an- 
swer, that they learned it of the Germaynes. Then we may 
demande of them agayne, of whom the Germaynes did 
learne it ? Whereunto they must answer, that they learned 



Luther. it of Luther. Well, then of whom did Luther learne it ? 
Wherunto he shall answer hymself in his booke that he 
wrote De Missa angulari, seu privata : where he saythe, 
that suche thinges as he teachethe against the masse, and 
the blessed sacrament of the aulter, he learned of Sathan, 
the Devyll. At whose hands it is lyke he did also receave 
the rest of his doctryne. Then here be two points diligently 
to be noted. First, That this doctryne is not yet fifty yeres 
old ; for no man taught it before Luther. And secondarily. 
That Luther dothe confesse and acknowledge the Divell to 
be his schoolemaster in dyvers points of his doctryne. So 
that if men wolde diligently mind St. PauPs wopdes, where 
he bidethe us Jcnozve of xvliom we have learned suche doc- 
tryne as we holde, they wolde refuse this perverse and 
wicked doctryne, knowinge from whom it came. But if 
they will aske us of whom we learned our doctryne, we an- 
swer then, that we learned it of our forefathers in the ca- 
tholike churche, which hathe in it contynuedly the Holye 
Spirit of God for a ruler and governour. And againe, if 
they aske of whom our fathers learned this same, we say 
of their forefathers within the same chvirche. And so we 
manually ascend in possession of our doctryne, from age to 
age, unto the apostle Peter, unto whom, as St. Cyprian 
sayeth, our Savyour Christe did betake his shepe to be fed, 
and upon whom he founded his churche. 

So that nowe we may be bolde to stand in our doctryne 
and religion against our adversaries, seyng that tliers is not 
yet fyftye yeres olde, and ours above fifteen hundrethe yeres 
olde. They have for aucthoritie and commendation of their 
religion Luther and his schoolemaster before mencyoned ; 
we have for ours St. Peter and his master Christe. So that 
nowe, by the doctryne of Ireneus, every man may knowe 
wher the truthe is, and whom he should followe; which 
saythe thus : Eis qui in ecclesia sunt presbyteris^ ohedire 
oportet ; his qui successionem habent ab apostolis, qici cum 
episcopali successione charisma veritatis certum secundum, 
placitum Patris acceperunt ; reliquos vero qui absistunt 
a principali successione, et quocunque loco colligunturi 


suspectos habere, vel quasi hcBreticos, et malcn sentcntlcB, vel 
quasi studentes {^partiurti] et elatos sibi placentes : aut rur- 
sus ut hypocritas qucesfus gratia et vancB glorice hoc ope- 
rantes: qui onines dccidunt a veritate. That is, " To those 
" prestes, which be in the churche, we ought to obaye, those 
" which have their succession from the apostles, who with 
" bisshoppelike succession have receaved a sure gracyous 
" gifte, according to the good will of the Father. But for 
" the other, which departe from the pryncipall succession, 
" and be gathered in whatsoever place, we ought to have 
" them suspected, either as hereticks, and of an evil opinion, 
" or as makinge divisions, and proude men, and pleasing 
" themselves; or againe as hypocrytes, doing that for ad- 
" vantage and vayn glorye, which all do fall from the 
" truthe." And thus I make an end, most humbly thank- 
inge your good lordshipps for your gentill pacyence, desir- 
inge the same lykewise to weye and consider these thinges 
which I have spoken, as shalbe thought good to your wys- 

Number VIII. 20 

The heads of a discourse concerning the supremacye. 

THE first byshopps of Rome were particular byshopps Foxii MSS. 
of a certein precinct, beginning, contynuinge, and endinge 
their byshoppricks in persecutions and poverty e. In what 
affayres they busied themselves, and under what emperors. 

Under what emperours the byshopps of Rome began to 
decline from the perfections of their predecessors ; the cause 
thereof; and that they had no dignities nor possessions, but 
of the gift of the emperours and other princes ; and howe 
the same from tyme to tyme were enlarged, and had their 

The cause whereupon the byshoppe of Rome claymed to 
be an universal byshoppe; usurped an universal jui'isdic- 
tion. Howe farre the bounds thereof did then extend ; his 
practises to be an erthly monarche or kinge ; and howe he 
e''er since, with every age, hath maynteined his state. 

E e 4 


In what age the name oi papa had his original. To whom 
it was attributed, and howe it became the proper name of 
the byshoppe of Rome ; and what byshoppes of Rome first 
claymed the swordes, and triple, double, and single crowne. 

What mischiefs and inconveniences have ensued upon all 
commonwealths, by the usurpinge of the saide jurisdiction. 
And howe muche thereby the Christen commonweale is de- 
cayed ; and of the beginninge of the Turkishe empire, and 
Mahomet's religion. 

General councells summoned by the emperours ; and for 
what causes. Under what emperours ; when the byshoppe 
of Rome first summoned a general counsell ; and howe he 
hath accrochyd the same unto himself. 

The popes have entermedlyd in there generall counsells 
with princes affayres, and have, as well at other tymes as 
then, taken upon them to bestowe empires and kingdomes, 
and that none should rule or be crowTied, but at his plea- 
sure. And what great broyles have ensued thereupon, espe- 
cially in England, as appeareth in the lives of Henry the II. 
king John, Henry the III. and divers other kings. 

Of the censures of the churche. And howe the popes 
have abusyd the same, in revenge of there owne private 
quarrels, and advancement of their owne estates. 

Howe and when the Christian fay the first began in Eng- 
land. The king's authoritie : archebishoppes, bishoppes, 
and ecclesiasticall lawes, made by kinge Lucius, without 
the pope. The continuance of the same faythe, until Au- 
gustin ; and after, until the cominge of the Normans into 
England. The innovations of religion brought in by Au- 
gustine, and the practices used for the bringinge in of the 
same, and what opinion or estimation was had therof. 

The cause why the Romaines left or forsooke their go- 
vernment here in England ; and that sythence it hath not 
been tributary or subject to any forein estate, albeit it hath 
been divers tymes conqueryd by strangers ; and that those 
conquerours have forsaken their owne countreys, and be- 
come as it were natural born in Englande, conforminge 
themselves wholly to the laws thereof. 


That the realm of Englande hath been alwales governyd 
by private lawes and customes ; as well in causes ecclesias- 
tical as temporal. The antiquitie, establyshinge, allowance, 
and commendation of them. The difference between the ca- 
non, civil, and temporal lawes. And when the canon and 
civil lawes were first receavid into Englande. 

In what cases the common lawes of Englande have ad- 
mittyd the civil and canon lawes, and upon what considera- 

In what age the pope''s jurisdiction crept into Englande, 
and the practices used from tyme to tyme for the establysh- 
inge therof. 


What innovations, as well of lawes as of estates, have 
been made in Englande by the pope''s legates, cardinalles, 
Italians, beinge byshoppes in Englande, and others of the 
Englyshe clergye. 

Practyss of the byshoppes, and others there adherents, for 2 1 
the bringinge into Englande of the pope''s jurisdiction. 

The king's jurisdiction in ecclesiastical causes, by the 
common lawes of the realme : and that ecclesiasticall per- 
sons derive their jurisdiction from the kinge. 

There is no magistrate in any cause above the kinge in 
his realm : and what lawes the kings of the realme have 
gyvin to the clergye ; and the same have been observid. 

The king's demesnes dischargid of ty thes ; and that his 
tenants in chief shall not be empleadid in the ecclesiasticall 
court for any tythes. 

Licences and dispensations made by the kinge in ecclesi- 
asticall causes. 

Licences, graunts, and dispensations made by the pope 
adjudged voide by the common lawe. 

That the pope cannot erecte in England any sanctuary, 
or exempte any person from the king's jurisdiction. And of 
the beginninge of sanctuaries. 

The probate of the testaments, and committinge of ad- 
ministration of the goodes of the intestate, by the ordre of 
the common lawes, belonginge to the kinge. And when the 
same were grantyd to the clergie. 


Ecclesiasticall discipline belonginge to the kinge: and 
how the same hath bene executid. And that temporall 
judges be judges of ecclesiasticall causes. 

Disgradinge, deprivinge, deposinge, suspendinge, and se- 
questringe, by the king''s commandment and aucthoritie. 

By the common lawes of the realme one person maye not 
enjoye more benefices than one, or dignities in one churche. 

Imprisoninge, fininge, ransominge, abjuringe, arrayninge 
and banishinge of ecclesiasticall persons, by the king's com- 
mandment and aucthoritie. 

Temporalities of bisshoppes seisid ; and of the seiser of 
the goodes of the clergie. 

Ecclesiasticall persons restreynid from purchasinge of 
landes, from buyinge and sellinge and takinge landes in 

Seiser of temporalities in the tyme of warre. 

Temporall persons juges in allowance of the clergye to 
prisons upon their arreygnments : and of the commence- 
ment therof. 

The king''s power and aucthoritie in causes of excomuni- 
cation. And that the king's temporall courts beinge [judges] 
of the validitie and invaliditie of excommunications. 

Causes of heresie, witchcraft, sorcery, enchauntements, 
debatyd before the kinge, and discussyd and judged by him 
and the lernyd of the realme, and his temporall justiceys. 

The king's courts juges of lecherous lyff, as well in the 
clergye as in the temporalitie. 

Abilitie or not abilitie of clerks presentyd to benefices 
jugid by the king's temporall courts. The common lawe of 
England jugith of bastards. 

Ecclesiastical lawes made by kings of England concern- 
inge religion, faythe, &c. rites, ceremonyes, heresies, bis- 
shoppes, ecclesiasticall persons and other things concerninge 
the clergye. 

Parliaments in England signinge and decreeinge against 
the pope's aucthoritie, his canons, and bulles. And the man- 
ner of the holdinge of them, whether the bisshoppes be there 
in respect of ther clergye, or for any other cause. And they 


are to be punysshed, if they departe from the same without 

Spirituall courts within the realme, the king's courts. 

To whom and for what things tithes were payable by the 
common lawes; positive lawes made for the same: the 
erecting of parisshes : suits in the king's temporall courts for 

The clergie chardged with quinsiems and other paye- 
ments, as well for their lands as goodes ; and ecclesiasticall 
persons made collectours therof by the lawes of the realme ; 
and the punysshement of them that refusyde to be collec- 

That Jreland of right belongith to the kings of England, 22 
and not gyven to Henry the second, as some pretend ; and 
howe the kings of England came by the same. 

Othes heretofore ministryd against the pope, as well to 
the clergye as to the laytie ; and of the othe minystred to 
the pope's legates and messengers at their cominge into 

Foundations of fi-ee-chappels, and other bowses ecclesias- 
tical by the king's lycence, to be donatyve and not presen- 

Monasteries and other howses and foundations ecclesiasti- 
call, altered or suppressyd by kings, and other common per- 

Visitations of the clergye, free-chappells, hospitals, and 
other ecclesiastical howses and places, by the chancellor of 
England and other the king's commissioners; and of the 
pope's usurpations in visitinge of the clergye of England. 

All suits determinable within this realme. No suite for 
any cause rysinge within the realme, maynteinable in any 
place out of the realme. In what wise forein suits before 
the statutes of prcpmmiire were restreyned and punisshed. 

Controversies betwixte ecclesiasticall persons for ecclesi- 
asticall causes, determynable within the realme ; and before 

Appels and other forein suits determynable in England ; 
and before whome. 


Triall in the king''s temporall courts of issues, and mat- 
ters spirituall or ecclesiastical!. 

Of what force the pope"'s excommunication is by the lawes 
of England ; and of the punisshment of the bringers in 

That no person shall goe out of the realme to Rome, the 
pope's generall counsell, ne to any other place, without the 
king's especiall lycence; and the punisshment of suche as 
goe out of the realme without the king's licence. 

The lawes of England agaynst the cominge into the 
realme of the pope's legates and messengers, and of all 
others, without the king's lycence. 

That priours alien, ne any of their religion, shall not goe 
out of the realme to be visitid, by their superiors or gene- 
rails beyond the seas, nor send or conveighe any money 
unto them out of the realme without especiall licence. 

The foundations and erections of archebisshoppricks and 
bisshoppricks ; and their endowments from tyme to tyme by 
the kinge ; and by whom the limitts of every bisshoppes dio- 
cess were assignyd. 

The translation, union, and dissolution of bisshoppes seas, 
by kings in severall ages. 

All franchises and liberties of the bisshoppricks and cler- 
gye deryvid from the crowne, and sworne by kings in their 

Exemption to be discharged of the jurisdiction of bis- 
shoppes by the king's graunt. 

The kinge onely patron of all archebisshoppricks and 
bisshoppricks in England; and howe the archebisshoppes 
and bisshoppes were investyd and consecrated of old tyme : 
and that a man may be a perficte bisshoppe to every respect, 
without tonsure, rasure, anoyntinge, and suche other cere- 
monies. And when the investinge or consecratinge of arche- 
bisshoppes and bisshoppes was alteryd ; and howe the same 
of latter tyme hathe been usid. 

And when the pope herein beganne to usurpe upon the 

No election made to ecclesiasticall dignities without the 


kings licence, good : and that to the perfittinge thereof his 
assent is requisite by the writ De regio assensu. 

Elections to ecclesiasticall dignities in tymes past usyd in 
divers manners: and when franke election first beganne; 
and how soone it hath been established. 

Foreyners preferrid, nominatyd or elected to ecclesiasti- 
call dignities, refusyd. 

The pope's factions, in refusinge to consecrate or confirme 
those which were duely electyd to ecclesiasticall dignities. 

The kinge gardian as well of the spiritualities as of the 
temporalties in the tyme of the : and that he may kepe 

the temporalties duringe his pleasure. The meanes howe 23 
the bisshoppe after his consecration comyth to his temporal- 
ties : and of the reseiser therof, if the bisshoppe procede not 
therin in due order. 

The othe of the bisshoppes and other ecclesiasticall per- 
sons to the kinge in tymes paste ; and the maner of swear- 
inge unto the pope. 

The bisshoppes and archebisshoppes obedient subjects to 
the kinge, and ministers to his temporall courts, in execut- 
in^e his wordes and commandments. 

Provisions and translations, &c. to ecclesiasticall dignities 
by the pope, against the common lawes of England. The 
mischiefs that have growen therby ; and how the procurers 
thereof were punysshed before the statutes oi premunire. 

Rome-scotte and Peter-pence in what ages first paide; 
upon what considerations denyed and withholden by divers 

The pope becomy th a souldier : and howe the tenthes of 
the ecclesiasticall livings and promotions, beinge graunted 
onely for the ayde of the holy land, were afterwards con- 
tinuyd and paide to his own private uses. 

In what age, for what cause, and by what meanes, the 
pope usurpid the first fruytes of the ecclesiasticall promo- 

Convocations of the bisshoppes and clergye, within this 
realme, not holden nor callyd without the king's writ or 


Writts directid to convocations, prescribinge what thinges 
the clergye shall establishe and decree, and what not. Mes- 
sengers and commissioners sent to the same or like ende. 

Of what force, by the common lawes, things decreed by 
the convocation are. 

That no constitutions provincial! , nowe extant, were de- 
creyd before the tyme of Stephen Langhton, thrust into the 
archebisshoppricke of Canterbury by the pope, all others 
before beinge suppressed. And howe muche the pope's ju- 
risdiction was thereby enlarged, and in what poynts. 

What maner of liberties and francheses the clergye here- 
upon challengyd ; and howe by colour therof they usurpyd 
the king's aucthoritie ; and what practises and attempts have 
been wrought for the same. 

The kinge had the same jurisdiction in the gyft, and in- 
vestiture of Canterbury and Yorke, as in other bisshopp- 
ricks. The pope claymed the gyft of them, and howe longe 
sithence the pope first usurpid. 

What is the palle ; when and upon what consideration, 
and by whom it was gy ven to the archbisshoppes of Canter- 

The great abuses and usurpations by colour therof. 

The prerogatives of the archbisshoppe of Canterbury; 
and from whom they tooke their begmninge. 

The mariage of prestes lawefuU by the common lawes of 
England. And that the same is neyther alteryd nor re- 
pealyd by any acte of parliament. And by what means 
the same was first restreynid. 

The auncient monasticall lyvings as well in England as 
elsewhere ; and howe the same was pervertyd by the rules 
of Augustine, Benedict, Dominic, &c. And to what abuses 
the state of that lyfF was degenerate. 

The beginninge of all kind of friers and other regular 
persons in England; and to what abuses the same were 
growen unto. 

That the queue's majestic that nowe is hathe by the com- 
mon lawes of this realme as great aucthoritie and jurisdic- 
tion over the realme, as any of her majestie's auncestours 


or predecessors, being kings or quenes of this realme, have 

Wliat servitude and tyranny to all the quene's subjects : 
what daunger to the prince and realme they bringe in and 
doe, that in any sorte maynteyne the pope's jurisdiction. 
What it is to affirme the pope's jurisdiction. Howe it is 
nowe punysshed ; and howe it was punysshable by the com- 
mon lawes of this realme. 

Number IX. 24 

The oration of the reverend father in God Mr. Dr. Feck- 
narn, ahbott of Westminster, in the parliament-fiowse, 
1559, against the hill for the Liturgy. 
HONOURABLE and my very good lordes ; having at Foxii mss. 

11-1 c ^■ • I J J Vespasian. 

this present two sundry kmdes ol religion here propounded ^ jg. 
and set forthe before your honours, being allready in pos-^-^^^^j.^* 
session of th'one of them, and your fathers before you, for 
the space of 14 hundrethe yeres past here in this realme, 
lyke as I shall hereafter prove unto you ; the other religion 
here set in a booke to be receyved and establisshed by 
th'aucthoritie of this high courte of parliament, and to take 
his effecte here in this realme at Mydsomar nexte comynge. 
And you beinge, as I knowe, right well dissirous to have 
some proofe or sure knowledge, which of both these reli- 
gions is the better, and most worthy to be estabhsshhed here 
in this realme, and to be preferred before the other ; I will 
for my part, and for the discharge of my dewtie, first unto 
God, secondly unto our soveraigne lady the quene's high- 
ness, thirdly unto your honours, and to the whole commons 
of this realme, here sette forthe, and expresse unto you, 
three brief rules and lessons, wherby your honours shalbe 
able to putte difference betwixt the true rehgion of God 
and the counterfeyte, and therin never be deceyved. The 
first of these three rules or lessons is, that in your search 
and try all making, your honours must observe, which of 
them bothe hathe ben of most antiquitie, and most observed 


in the churche of Christ of all men, at all tymes and sea- 
sons, and in all places. The second, which of them bothe 
is of it self more steadfast, and allwayes forth one and 
agreeable with it self. The third and last rule to be con- 
sidered of your wisdoms is, which of these religions dothe 
brede the more humble and obedient subjects, first unto 
God, and next unto our soveraigne ladie the quene's high- 
ness, and all superiour powers. 

I- Concerninge the first rule and lesson, it cannot be truly 

affirmed or yet thought of any man, that this new religion, 
here nowe to be sett forthe in this booke, hathe bene ob- 
served in Christ's churche of all Christian men, at all tymes 
and in all places ; when the same hathe ben observed only 
here in this realme, and that for a shorte tyme, as not 
muche passing the space of two yeres, and that in king Ed- 
ward the 6th his dayes : whereas the religion, and the very 
same maner of servinge and honoringe of God, of the which 
you are at this present in possession, did begin here in this 
realme 1400 yeres past in kinge Lucius's dayes, the first 
Christian kinge of this realme ; by whose humble letters 
sent to the pope Elutherius, he sent to this realme two 
holye monkes, the one called Damianus, th"'other Faganus : 
and they, as embassadors sent from the sea apostolike of 
Rome, did bringe into this realme so many yeres past the 
very same religion wherof we are now in possession; and 
that in the Latin tonge, as the ancyent historiographer Gil- 
das witnessethe in the prologue and beginynge of his booke 
of the Brittaine-Historye. And the same religion so longe 
ago begune, hath had this long continuance ever sythence 
here in this realme, not onely of th'inhabytaunce therof, 
but also generally of all Christian men, and in all places of 
Christendom, untill the late daies of kinge Edward the 6th, 
as is aforesaid. Wherby it appearethe unto all men that 
lyst to see and knowe, howe that by this rule and lesson the 
auncyent religion and manner of servinge of God (wherof 
we are allreddye in possession) is the very true and perfect 
religion, and of God. 

II. Towchinge the second rule and lesson of tryall making 


and probation, whether of bothe these religions is the better 
and most worthy of observation here in this realme, is this, 
that your honours must observe which of bothe these is the 
most stayed rehgion, and allwayes forthe one, and agreeable 
with it self. And that the new religion, here now to be set 
forthe in this booke. is no stayed religion, nor allwayes 25 
forth one, nor agreeable with it self, who seethe it not; 
when in the late practise therof in kinge Edward the 6th 
his dayes, howe changeable and variable was it in and to it 
self .-^ Every other yere havinge a newe booke devysed ther- 
of; and every booke beinge sette furthe, as they professed, 
accordinge to the sincere word of God, never an one of 
them agreeing in all pointes with the other : the firste booke 
affiiniiinge the seven sacraments, and the reall presence^ of ^ This is 
Christens body in the holy euchariste, the other denyinge fl^i^^g -^^ 
the same; throne booke admitting the reall presence of '» ay be 
Christens body in the said sacrament to be recey ved in one tiiat first 
kinde, with kneeling downe, and great reverence donne unto ^°"^' 
it, and that in unleavned bread ; and th'other booke would Order of 
have the communyon recey ved in bothe the kindes, and in^'^'^ ^°'"" 
lofe ^ bread, without any reverence, but only unto the bodye in bishop 
of Christe in heaven. But the thinge most worthy to be coUections. 
observid of your honours is, howe that every booke made a i- The copy 
shewe to be set furthe accordino-e to the syncere word of '".V'*^^';"^''^ 

° ^ J college 11- 

God, and not one of them did agree with another. And brary reads 
what marvell, I praye you, when the awthors and devisers ^"et/!"* 
of the same bookes coulde not agree amongest themselves, 
nor yet any one of them myght be founde that did longe 
agree with himself.'' And for the proofe therof, I shall 
firste begyne with the Germayne wry ters, the chefFe schoole- 
masters and instructors of our countreymen in all these no- 

And I do read, in an epistle which Philippe Melancthon 
did write unto one Frederico Miconino, howe that one Ca- 
rolostadius was the first mover and begynner of the late se- 
dition in Germany, towchinge the sacrament of th'altar, and 
the denyal of Chryst's real presence in the same. And 
when he should come to interpret those wordes of our Sa- 

VOL. I. PART II. 1' f 


viour Chryste ; Accepit panem, benedixity f regit, deditque 
discipulis suis, dicens, Accipite, et comedite, hoc est corpus 
meum, quod pro vohls tradetur ; Digito, inquit ille, mon- 
stravit ms'ihilc cojpus suum. By which interpretation of 
Carolostadius, Chryste shoulde with the one hand give unto 
his disciples bread to eat, and with the other hand pointe 
unto his visible bodye that was ther present, and say. This 
is my bodye, zohich shall be betrayedjbr you. Martyn Lu- 
ther, muche offended with this foolish exposition, made by 
Carolostadius, of the words of Chryste, Hoc est corpus 
meum, he geveth another sense, and saithe, that Germanus 
sensus verborum Christi was this, Per huuc panem, vel 
cum isto pane, en ! do vobis corpus meum. Zwinglius, find- 
inge muche faulte with this interpretation of Martyn Lu- 
ther, writeth, that Luther therin was muche deceyved ; and 
how that in these wordes of Chryst, Hoc est corpus meum, 
the verbe substantyve est must be taken for signijicat, and 
this word corpus {quod pro vobis tradetur) must be taken 
projigura corporis. So that the true sense of these wordes 
of Chryst, iloc est corjms meum, by Zwinglius's supposal, 
is. Hoc significat corpus meum, vel estjigura corporis mei. 
Peter Martyr, beinge of late here in this realme, in his 
booke by him set furthe, of the disputation which he had 
in Oxenforde, with the learned students ther, of this matter, 
gevith another sense of these wordes of Cliryst, contrarye 
unto all the reste, and ther say the thus : Quod Christus ac- 
cipiens panem benedixit, frcgit^ deditque discipidis suis, 
dicens, Hoc est corjms meum, quasi diceret, corpus meum 
per Jidem perceptum erit vobis pro pane, vel instar panis. 
Of whose sense the Englishc is this, that Chrysfs bodye re- 
ceyved byfaithe, shall be unto you as bread, or instead of 
the bread. 

But here, to ceasse any further to speake of these Ger- 
mayne wryters, I shall drawe nearer home, as unto doctor 
Cranmer, late archbyshoppe of Canterburye in this realme ; 
howe contrary was he unto hymself in this matter ? When 
in one yeare he did set furthe a catechisme in the Englishe 
tongue, and did dedicat the same unto kinge Edward the 


Sixth, wherin he did most constantly affirme and defend 
the real presence of Chryst's bodye in the holie euchariste ; 
and very shortely after he did set furthe another booke, 
wherin he did most shamefullie denye the same, falsifinge 
bothe the scriptures and doctors, to the no small admiration 
of all the learned readers. Dr. Ridleye, the notablest learn- 
ed of that religion in this realme, did set furthe at Paul's 
Crosse, the real presence of Chryst''s body in the sacrament, 
with these wordes, which I heai'd, beynge ther present. SC 
" How that the Devil did beleve the Sonne of God was 
" able to make of stones bread ; and we Englishe people, 
" which do confess that Jesus Chryst was the very Sonne 
" of God, yet will not beleve that he did make of bread his 
" verye bodye, fleashe and blood. Therefore we are worse 
" than the Devil ; seying that our Saviour Chryste, by ex- 
*' presse wordes, did most plainlie affirme the same, when at 
" the last supper he tooke bread, and said unto his disciples, 
" Take ye^ eat, this is my bodye, tohich shall be gevenfor 
" yoii^ And shortely after, the said doctor Ridleye, not- 
withstandinge this most plaine and open speeche at Paul's 
Crosse, did deny the same. And in the last book that doctor 
Cranmer and his complices did set furthe of the communion, 
in kinge Edward the Sixth his dayes, these plaine wordes 
of Chryst, Hoc est corpus meum, did so encomber them, 
and trouble their wittes, that they did leave out in the 
same last booke this verbe substantive est ^ ; and made the " This very 
sense of Chryst's wordes to be there Englished, Take, eat^'^^'^^y 

•^ o -' ' Wfis no 

this my body, and left out there this is viy bodye ; which more but 
thinge beinge espyed by others, and great faulte founde iiie printer, 
withal, then they were faine to patche uppe the matter with 
a little piece of paper clappid over the foresaid wordes, 
wherin was writtyn this verbe substantive est. The deal- 
inge herewithe beinge so uncertaine, bothe of the Germayne 
writers and Englishe, and one of them so muche against 
another, your honours maye be well assured, that this reli- 
gion, which by them is set fourthe, can be no constant nor 
stayede religion. And therfore of your honours not to be 
receyved; but great wisdome it were for your honours to 

F f 2 


refuse the same, iintyll you shall perceyve better agreement 
amongest the awthors and setters furthe of the same. 
III. Towchinge the thirde and laste rule of tryall makinge, 

and puttinge of difference between these religions, it is to 
be considered of your honours which of them bothe dothe 
brede more obedyent, humble, and better subjects; firste 
and cheffelye unto our Savyour and Redeemer ; secondly, 
unto our soveregne lady the queue's highness, and to all 
other superiors. And for some tryall and probation therof, 
I shall dissier your honours to consider the sudayne muta- 
tion of the subjects of this realme, sythence the deathe of 
good queue Marye, onely caused in them by the preachers 
of this newe religion; when in queue Marye's dales your 
honours do know right well, howe the people of this realme 
did live in an order; and wolde not runne before lawes, 
nor openlye disobey the quene\s highnesses proceedinges and 
proclamations. There was no spoyling of churches, pullinge 
downe of aultars, and most blasphemous tredinge of sacra- 
ments under their feet, and hanging up the knave of clubs 
in the place therof. There was no scotchinge nor cuttlnge 
of the faces and legs of the crucifix and image of Christ. 
There was no open flesh eatinge, nor shambles kepeinge, in 
the Lent and dales prohibitid. The subjects of this realme, 
and especially the nobilitye, and suche as were of the ho- 
nourable councell, did in quene Mary''s dales knowe the 
waye unto churches and chappels, there to begyne their 
dales worke, with callinge for helpe and grace, by humble 
prayers, and servinge of God. And nowe, sithence the 
corny nge and reigne of our most soveraigne and dear lady 
quene Elizabeth, by the onely preachers and scaffold play- 
ers of this newe religion, all thinges are turned up-side 
downe, and notwithstandinge the quene"'s majestie's procla- 
mations most godly made to the contrarye, and her ver- 
tuous example of lyvinge, sufficyent to move the hearts of 
all obedyent subjects to the due service and honour of God. 
But obedyence is gone, humylitie and mekeness cleare abo- 
lyshed, vcrtuous chastity and straight livinge denyed, as 
thoughe they had never ben heard of in this realme ; all 


degrees and kindes beynge desirous of fleshely and carnal] 
Ivbertie, whcrby the yong springalls and children are de- 
gennerate from their naturall fathers, the servants con- 
temptors of their masters commandments, the subjects dis- 
obedyent unto God and all superior powers. 

And therfore, honourable and my very good lordes, of 
my parte to mynnyster some occasion unto your honours to 
expell, avoid, and put owte of this realme this newe reli-27 
gion, whose fruites are already so manifestly knowen to be, 
as I have repetid; and to perswade your honours to 
avoyd it, as muche as in me lyethe, and to persevere and 
continue stedfastly in the same rehgion, wherof you are in 
possession, and have allredye made profession of the same 
unto God ; I shall rehearse unto your honours foure things, 
wherby the holie doctor St. Augustine was contynued in 
the catholicke churche and religion of Christe, Avhich he 
had receaved, and woulde by no means change nor aulter 
from the same. The firste of these four things was, ijjsa 
authoritas ecdesia; Christi miraculis inchoata, spe mitrita, 
char'itate aucta, vetustate Jirmata. The second thing was, 
pojmU Christiani consensus et unitas. The third was, 
perjjetua sacerdotum successio in sede Petri. The fourthe 
and last thing was, ipsum CathoUci nomen. If these foure 
thinjres did cawse so notable and learned a clarke as St. 
Augustyn was, to continue in his professed religion of 
Christe without all chaunge and alteration, howe much the